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      "id": "m_ar_wh",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Arabic",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "أي كتاب اشترت ليلى ؟",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
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      "leaves": [
        "أي",
        "كتاب",
        "اشترت",
        "ليلى"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "أي",
        "كتاب",
        "اشترت",
        "ليلى"
      ],
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      "replayFrames": 24,
      "replayMovementFrames": 4,
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      "explanation": "This analysis adopts a Minimalist Bare Phrase Structure approach to derive the Arabic VSO interrogative clause. The derivation begins with the verb merging with the wh-object 'أي كتاب' to form the VP. The verb then undergoes successive-cyclic head movement from V to v, and subsequently to T, a standard mechanism for deriving VSO word order in Arabic where the verb raises past the subject situated in Spec,vP (following analyses such as Fassi Fehri 1993). The subject 'ليلى' remains in its base-generated position within the vP, receiving nominative case from T via Agree. Finally, the interrogative object 'أي كتاب' undergoes Internal Merge, moving from its base position as the complement of V to the edge of the clause (Spec,CP) to satisfy the [+wh] feature of the C head. This combination of V-to-T head movement and wh-movement to CP elegantly captures the surface 'wh-object verb subject' order without stipulating language-specific templates.",
      "notesText": "This analysis adopts a Minimalist Bare Phrase Structure approach to derive the Arabic VSO interrogative clause. The derivation begins with the verb merging with the wh-object 'أي كتاب' to form the VP. The verb then undergoes successive-cyclic head movement from V to v, and subsequently to T, a standard mechanism for deriving VSO word order in Arabic where the verb raises past the subject situated in Spec,vP (following analyses such as Fassi Fehri 1993). The subject 'ليلى' remains in its base-generated position within the vP, receiving nominative case from T via Agree. Finally, the interrogative object 'أي كتاب' undergoes Internal Merge, moving from its base position as the complement of V to the edge of the clause (Spec,CP) to satisfy the [+wh] feature of the C head. This combination of V-to-T head movement and wh-movement to CP elegantly captures the surface 'wh-object verb subject' order without stipulating language-specific templates.",
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        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_ar_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_ar_wh-notes.png"
      }
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    {
      "id": "m_bn_wh",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Bengali",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "কোন বইটা রিমা কিনেছে ?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "কোন",
        "বইটা",
        "রিমা",
        "কিনেছে"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "কোন",
        "বইটা",
        "রিমা",
        "কিনেছে"
      ],
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      "derivationStepsCount": 27,
      "replayFrames": 27,
      "replayMovementFrames": 5,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 4,
      "explanation": "This analysis derives the Bengali wh-question within the Minimalist Program using Bare Phrase Structure. Bengali is a strictly head-final SOV language, which is reflected in the right-headedness of the vP, TP, and CP projections. The derivation begins with the external merge of the wh-object DP 'কোন বইটা' as the complement of V, and the subject DP 'রিমা' in the edge of vP. The verb 'কিনেছে' undergoes successive-cyclic head movement from V to v and finally to T to check tense and phi-features. Although Bengali is often characterized as a wh-in-situ language, clause-initial wh-phrases are standardly analyzed as undergoing A-bar movement to the clause edge; thus, the wh-object undergoes Internal Merge from its base position to the edge of CP to check a [+wh] feature on the null interrogative C head. This sequence of operations—V-to-T movement, subject raising to TP, and wh-fronting to CP—produces the observed surface order.",
      "notesText": "This analysis derives the Bengali wh-question within the Minimalist Program using Bare Phrase Structure. Bengali is a strictly head-final SOV language, which is reflected in the right-headedness of the vP, TP, and CP projections. The derivation begins with the external merge of the wh-object DP 'কোন বইটা' as the complement of V, and the subject DP 'রিমা' in the edge of vP. The verb 'কিনেছে' undergoes successive-cyclic head movement from V to v and finally to T to check tense and phi-features. Although Bengali is often characterized as a wh-in-situ language, clause-initial wh-phrases are standardly analyzed as undergoing A-bar movement to the clause edge; thus, the wh-object undergoes Internal Merge from its base position to the edge of CP to check a [+wh] feature on the null interrogative C head. This sequence of operations—V-to-T movement, subject raising to TP, and wh-fronting to CP—produces the observed surface order.",
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        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_bn_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_bn_wh-notes.png"
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      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Czech",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Kterou knihu koupil Marek?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Kterou",
        "knihu",
        "koupil",
        "Marek"
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        "Kterou",
        "knihu",
        "koupil",
        "Marek"
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      "explanation": "This analysis derives the Czech interrogative clause within the Minimalist Program, utilizing Bare Phrase Structure. The derivation begins with the external merge of the verb *koupil* and the wh-object *kterou knihu* to form the VP. The verb undergoes successive-cyclic head movement from V to v, then to T, and finally to C, satisfying the interrogative C head's features and producing the verb-second order typical of Czech wh-questions. The subject *Marek* is externally merged in Spec,vP and remains in its base position, reflecting the availability of vP-internal subjects in pro-drop languages, as analyzed in standard Minimalist approaches to Slavic syntax (e.g., John Bailyn 2012). This derivation transparently yields the surface order *Kterou knihu koupil Marek* without requiring the subject to raise to Spec,TP.",
      "notesText": "This analysis derives the Czech interrogative clause within the Minimalist Program, utilizing Bare Phrase Structure. The derivation begins with the external merge of the verb *koupil* and the wh-object *kterou knihu* to form the VP. The verb undergoes successive-cyclic head movement from V to v, then to T, and finally to C, satisfying the interrogative C head's features and producing the verb-second order typical of Czech wh-questions. The subject *Marek* is externally merged in Spec,vP and remains in its base position, reflecting the availability of vP-internal subjects in pro-drop languages, as analyzed in standard Minimalist approaches to Slavic syntax (e.g., John Bailyn 2012). This derivation transparently yields the surface order *Kterou knihu koupil Marek* without requiring the subject to raise to Spec,TP.",
      "elapsedMs": 117420,
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      "screenshots": {
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        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_cs_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_cs_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_de_wh",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "German",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Welches Foto hat Maria gesehen?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Welches",
        "Foto",
        "hat",
        "Maria",
        "gesehen"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Welches",
        "Foto",
        "hat",
        "Maria",
        "gesehen"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 3,
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      "derivationStepsCount": 25,
      "replayFrames": 24,
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      "explanation": "The derivation of the German V2 interrogative clause proceeds within the Minimalist Program using Bare Phrase Structure. The lexical verb 'gesehen' merges with its internal argument, the wh-phrase 'Welches Foto', forming a head-final VP. The light verb v introduces the external argument 'Maria' in its specifier and assigns accusative case to the object. The finite auxiliary 'hat' merges in the head-final T position, probing the subject 'Maria' to value its uninterpretable phi-features and assigning nominative case, which triggers the subject's movement to the specifier of TP to satisfy the EPP. Finally, the interrogative C head bears an uninterpretable [uWh] feature, which probes the wh-phrase 'Welches Foto' and triggers its Internal Merge to the clause edge at the specifier of CP. This sequence of operations correctly yields the surface string while respecting the underlying head-final architecture of the German vP and TP. The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Welches Foto\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"hat\" from T to C; movement of DP \"Maria\" from its lower copy.",
      "notesText": "The derivation of the German V2 interrogative clause proceeds within the Minimalist Program using Bare Phrase Structure. The lexical verb 'gesehen' merges with its internal argument, the wh-phrase 'Welches Foto', forming a head-final VP. The light verb v introduces the external argument 'Maria' in its specifier and assigns accusative case to the object. The finite auxiliary 'hat' merges in the head-final T position, probing the subject 'Maria' to value its uninterpretable phi-features and assigning nominative case, which triggers the subject's movement to the specifier of TP to satisfy the EPP. Finally, the interrogative C head bears an uninterpretable [uWh] feature, which probes the wh-phrase 'Welches Foto' and triggers its Internal Merge to the clause edge at the specifier of CP. This sequence of operations correctly yields the surface string while respecting the underlying head-final architecture of the German vP and TP. The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Welches Foto\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"hat\" from T to C; movement of DP \"Maria\" from its lower copy.",
      "elapsedMs": 78585,
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      "screenshots": {
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        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_de_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_de_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_de_yesno",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "German",
      "phenomenon": "yes-no-question",
      "sentence": "Hat der Fahrer den Wagen verkauft?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Hat",
        "der",
        "Fahrer",
        "den",
        "Wagen",
        "verkauft"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Hat",
        "der",
        "Fahrer",
        "den",
        "Wagen",
        "verkauft"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 2,
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      "derivationStepsCount": 20,
      "replayFrames": 20,
      "replayMovementFrames": 3,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 2,
      "explanation": "In this Minimalist analysis of a German yes/no question, the finite auxiliary 'hat' undergoes head movement from the head-final T position to C to satisfy the clause-typing requirements of the interrogative C head. The object 'den Wagen' and the participle 'verkauft' remain in the head-final VP, reflecting the underlying SOV word order of German. The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"der Fahrer\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"Hat\" from T to C.",
      "notesText": "In this Minimalist analysis of a German yes/no question, the finite auxiliary 'hat' undergoes head movement from the head-final T position to C to satisfy the clause-typing requirements of the interrogative C head. The object 'den Wagen' and the participle 'verkauft' remain in the head-final VP, reflecting the underlying SOV word order of German. The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"der Fahrer\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"Hat\" from T to C.",
      "elapsedMs": 182722,
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      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_de_yesno-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_de_yesno-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_de_yesno-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_el_wh",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Greek",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Ποιο βιβλίο διάβασε η Μαρία;",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Ποιο",
        "βιβλίο",
        "διάβασε",
        "η",
        "Μαρία"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Ποιο",
        "βιβλίο",
        "διάβασε",
        "η",
        "Μαρία"
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      "movementEventsCount": 3,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 3,
      "derivationStepsCount": 24,
      "replayFrames": 24,
      "replayMovementFrames": 4,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 3,
      "explanation": "The analysis is framed within the Minimalist Program. The derivation involves the wh-phrase 'Ποιο βιβλίο' undergoing Internal Merge (movement) from its base position as the complement of V to the specifier of CP to check the [+wh] feature of the interrogative C head. In Greek, a null-subject language, the Extended Projection Principle (EPP) feature on T can be satisfied by V-to-T movement rather than requiring the subject to raise to Spec,TP, following the influential proposal by Alexiadou & Anagnostopoulou (1998). Consequently, the verb 'διάβασε' undergoes successive-cyclic head movement from V to v and then to T, where it is pronounced. The subject DP 'η Μαρία' remains in its base-generated position in the specifier of vP. This derivation elegantly captures the surface O-V-S word order without necessitating T-to-C movement or subject extraposition, relying instead on the parameterized nature of EPP checking and standard wh-movement.",
      "notesText": "The analysis is framed within the Minimalist Program. The derivation involves the wh-phrase 'Ποιο βιβλίο' undergoing Internal Merge (movement) from its base position as the complement of V to the specifier of CP to check the [+wh] feature of the interrogative C head. In Greek, a null-subject language, the Extended Projection Principle (EPP) feature on T can be satisfied by V-to-T movement rather than requiring the subject to raise to Spec,TP, following the influential proposal by Alexiadou & Anagnostopoulou (1998). Consequently, the verb 'διάβασε' undergoes successive-cyclic head movement from V to v and then to T, where it is pronounced. The subject DP 'η Μαρία' remains in its base-generated position in the specifier of vP. This derivation elegantly captures the surface O-V-S word order without necessitating T-to-C movement or subject extraposition, relying instead on the parameterized nature of EPP checking and standard wh-movement.",
      "elapsedMs": 73534,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_el_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
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        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_el_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_el_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_en_long_wh",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "English",
      "phenomenon": "long-distance-wh",
      "sentence": "Which article do you think Clara said Mateo published?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Which",
        "article",
        "do",
        "you",
        "think",
        "Clara",
        "said",
        "Mateo",
        "published"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Which",
        "article",
        "do",
        "you",
        "think",
        "Clara",
        "said",
        "Mateo",
        "published"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 7,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 7,
      "derivationStepsCount": 57,
      "replayFrames": 57,
      "replayMovementFrames": 8,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 7,
      "explanation": "In the Minimalist Program, this sentence is derived via successive-cyclic wh-movement driven by Phase Theory (Chomsky 2001). The wh-phrase 'which article' originates as the complement of the lowest verb 'published' and undergoes Internal Merge to the edge of each intervening CP phase to satisfy the Phase Impenetrability Condition, ultimately landing in the matrix CP edge to check a [wh] feature. The derivation explicitly records movement of DP from its lower copy; movement of DP from its lower copy; movement of DP \"Which article\" from its lower copy.",
      "notesText": "In the Minimalist Program, this sentence is derived via successive-cyclic wh-movement driven by Phase Theory (Chomsky 2001). The wh-phrase 'which article' originates as the complement of the lowest verb 'published' and undergoes Internal Merge to the edge of each intervening CP phase to satisfy the Phase Impenetrability Condition, ultimately landing in the matrix CP edge to check a [wh] feature. The derivation explicitly records movement of DP from its lower copy; movement of DP from its lower copy; movement of DP \"Which article\" from its lower copy.",
      "elapsedMs": 205188,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_en_long_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_en_long_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_en_long_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_en_long_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_en_passive",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "English",
      "phenomenon": "passive",
      "sentence": "The letters were delivered yesterday.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "The",
        "letters",
        "were",
        "delivered",
        "yesterday"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "The",
        "letters",
        "were",
        "delivered",
        "yesterday"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 1,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 1,
      "derivationStepsCount": 20,
      "replayFrames": 20,
      "replayMovementFrames": 2,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 1,
      "explanation": "This analysis is framed within the Minimalist Program using Bare Phrase Structure. The sentence is a passive construction where the DP 'The letters' is initially merged as the internal argument (complement) of the lexical verb 'delivered' within the VP. Because the passive light verb (v) is defective and fails to assign Accusative case, the internal argument remains active for syntactic operations. The finite T head, which hosts the past tense auxiliary 'were', probes its c-command domain and agrees with 'The letters', valuing its uninterpretable case feature as Nominative. To satisfy the EPP feature of T, the DP undergoes Internal Merge (movement) to the specifier of TP. The temporal adjunct 'yesterday' is right-adjoined to the vP, modifying the event time. This derivation aligns with standard Minimalist treatments of A-movement in passives, where structural case and EPP drive the displacement of the underlying object.",
      "notesText": "This analysis is framed within the Minimalist Program using Bare Phrase Structure. The sentence is a passive construction where the DP 'The letters' is initially merged as the internal argument (complement) of the lexical verb 'delivered' within the VP. Because the passive light verb (v) is defective and fails to assign Accusative case, the internal argument remains active for syntactic operations. The finite T head, which hosts the past tense auxiliary 'were', probes its c-command domain and agrees with 'The letters', valuing its uninterpretable case feature as Nominative. To satisfy the EPP feature of T, the DP undergoes Internal Merge (movement) to the specifier of TP. The temporal adjunct 'yesterday' is right-adjoined to the vP, modifying the event time. This derivation aligns with standard Minimalist treatments of A-movement in passives, where structural case and EPP drive the displacement of the underlying object.",
      "elapsedMs": 98975,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_en_passive-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_en_passive-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_en_passive-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_en_passive-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_es_wh",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Spanish",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "¿Qué cuadro pintó Elena?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Qué",
        "cuadro",
        "pintó",
        "Elena"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Qué",
        "cuadro",
        "pintó",
        "Elena"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 4,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 4,
      "derivationStepsCount": 26,
      "replayFrames": 26,
      "replayMovementFrames": 5,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 4,
      "explanation": "The analysis is framed within the Minimalist Program, utilizing Bare Phrase Structure and the copy theory of movement. The sentence \"¿Qué cuadro pintó Elena?\" exhibits standard Spanish subject-verb inversion triggered by wh-movement. The wh-phrase \"qué cuadro\" is initially merged as the complement of V and undergoes Internal Merge to the specifier of CP to check the [wh] feature of the interrogative C head. To satisfy the strict adjacency requirement between the wh-phrase and the verb, \"pintó\" undergoes successive-cyclic head movement from V through v and T, finally landing in C, following the classic analysis of Spanish inversion by Esther Torrego (1984). The lower copies of the moved elements are left unpronounced at Spell-Out, yielding the observed surface order.",
      "notesText": "The analysis is framed within the Minimalist Program, utilizing Bare Phrase Structure and the copy theory of movement. The sentence \"¿Qué cuadro pintó Elena?\" exhibits standard Spanish subject-verb inversion triggered by wh-movement. The wh-phrase \"qué cuadro\" is initially merged as the complement of V and undergoes Internal Merge to the specifier of CP to check the [wh] feature of the interrogative C head. To satisfy the strict adjacency requirement between the wh-phrase and the verb, \"pintó\" undergoes successive-cyclic head movement from V through v and T, finally landing in C, following the classic analysis of Spanish inversion by Esther Torrego (1984). The lower copies of the moved elements are left unpronounced at Spell-Out, yielding the observed surface order.",
      "elapsedMs": 115708,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_es_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_es_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_es_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_es_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_fr_wh",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "French",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Quel roman a choisi Élise ?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Quel",
        "roman",
        "a",
        "choisi",
        "Élise"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Quel",
        "roman",
        "a",
        "choisi",
        "Élise"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 3,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 3,
      "derivationStepsCount": 28,
      "replayFrames": 28,
      "replayMovementFrames": 4,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 3,
      "explanation": "This analysis derives the French Stylistic Inversion construction within the Minimalist Program using Bare Phrase Structure. The wh-object 'Quel roman' undergoes Internal Merge (Move) from its base position as the complement of V to the specifier of CP, driven by the checking of [wh] and [Q] features on the interrogative C head. The subject 'Élise' is externally merged in Spec,vP and remains in situ, a hallmark of Stylistic Inversion where the subject does not raise to Spec,TP. The auxiliary 'a' is externally merged in T and remains there, assigning nominative case to the in-situ subject via long-distance Agree. Kayne and Jean-Yves Pollock (2001). The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Quel roman\" from its lower copy; head movement of v from VP to v; head movement of \"choisi\" from v to Asp.",
      "notesText": "This analysis derives the French Stylistic Inversion construction within the Minimalist Program using Bare Phrase Structure. The wh-object 'Quel roman' undergoes Internal Merge (Move) from its base position as the complement of V to the specifier of CP, driven by the checking of [wh] and [Q] features on the interrogative C head. The subject 'Élise' is externally merged in Spec,vP and remains in situ, a hallmark of Stylistic Inversion where the subject does not raise to Spec,TP. The auxiliary 'a' is externally merged in T and remains there, assigning nominative case to the in-situ subject via long-distance Agree. Kayne and Jean-Yves Pollock (2001). The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Quel roman\" from its lower copy; head movement of v from VP to v; head movement of \"choisi\" from v to Asp.",
      "elapsedMs": 116673,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_fr_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_fr_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_fr_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_fr_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_he_wh",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Hebrew",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "איזה ספר קנתה נועה?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "איזה",
        "ספר",
        "קנתה",
        "נועה"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "איזה",
        "ספר",
        "קנתה",
        "נועה"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 5,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 5,
      "derivationStepsCount": 27,
      "replayFrames": 27,
      "replayMovementFrames": 6,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 5,
      "explanation": "This analysis derives the Hebrew wh-question 'איזה ספר קנתה נועה?' within the Minimalist Program using Bare Phrase Structure. The derivation explicitly records head movement of v from VP to v; head movement of T from v to T; head movement of \"קנתה\" from T to C. The wh-object 'איזה ספר' (which book) is initially merged as the complement of V and undergoes A-bar movement to the edge of the phase (Spec,CP) to check the [wh] feature of the interrogative C head. The verb 'קנתה' (bought) undergoes successive-cyclic head movement from V to v, then to T, and finally to C, satisfying the head-movement requirement associated with the interrogative C in Hebrew. The resulting configuration places the verb in C, preceding the subject in Spec,TP, thereby yielding the observed Wh-V-S surface order.",
      "notesText": "This analysis derives the Hebrew wh-question 'איזה ספר קנתה נועה?' within the Minimalist Program using Bare Phrase Structure. The derivation explicitly records head movement of v from VP to v; head movement of T from v to T; head movement of \"קנתה\" from T to C. The wh-object 'איזה ספר' (which book) is initially merged as the complement of V and undergoes A-bar movement to the edge of the phase (Spec,CP) to check the [wh] feature of the interrogative C head. The verb 'קנתה' (bought) undergoes successive-cyclic head movement from V to v, then to T, and finally to C, satisfying the head-movement requirement associated with the interrogative C in Hebrew. The resulting configuration places the verb in C, preceding the subject in Spec,TP, thereby yielding the observed Wh-V-S surface order.",
      "elapsedMs": 111364,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_he_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_he_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_he_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_he_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_hi_wh",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Hindi",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "कौन सी किताब मीरा ने खरीदी ?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "कौन",
        "सी",
        "किताब",
        "मीरा",
        "ने",
        "खरीदी"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "कौन",
        "सी",
        "किताब",
        "मीरा",
        "ने",
        "खरीदी"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 2,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 2,
      "derivationStepsCount": 28,
      "replayFrames": 27,
      "replayMovementFrames": 3,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 2,
      "explanation": "The sentence 'कौन सी किताब मीरा ने खरीदी?' exhibits wh-fronting in a head-final Minimalist architecture. The object DP 'कौन सी किताब' (which book) is initially merged as the complement of V and subsequently undergoes Internal Merge to Spec,CP to check a [wh] feature on the interrogative C head. Because the subject is marked with the ergative postposition 'ने', it is opaque to phi-agreement; consequently, the T probe agrees with the unmarked object 'किताब', resulting in the feminine singular morphology on the perfective verb 'खरीदी'. This derivation aligns with standard analyses of Hindi-Urdu syntax, such as Rajesh Bhatt's work on agreement and movement, demonstrating how A-bar movement to the left periphery interacts with the language's ergative alignment and object agreement system.",
      "notesText": "The sentence 'कौन सी किताब मीरा ने खरीदी?' exhibits wh-fronting in a head-final Minimalist architecture. The object DP 'कौन सी किताब' (which book) is initially merged as the complement of V and subsequently undergoes Internal Merge to Spec,CP to check a [wh] feature on the interrogative C head. Because the subject is marked with the ergative postposition 'ने', it is opaque to phi-agreement; consequently, the T probe agrees with the unmarked object 'किताब', resulting in the feminine singular morphology on the perfective verb 'खरीदी'. This derivation aligns with standard analyses of Hindi-Urdu syntax, such as Rajesh Bhatt's work on agreement and movement, demonstrating how A-bar movement to the left periphery interacts with the language's ergative alignment and object agreement system.",
      "elapsedMs": 92452,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_hi_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_hi_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_hi_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_hi_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_hi_yesno",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Hindi",
      "phenomenon": "yes-no-question",
      "sentence": "क्या रवि ने चिट्ठी लिखी ?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "क्या",
        "रवि",
        "ने",
        "चिट्ठी",
        "लिखी"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "क्या",
        "रवि",
        "ने",
        "चिट्ठी",
        "लिखी"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 3,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 3,
      "derivationStepsCount": 20,
      "replayFrames": 20,
      "replayMovementFrames": 4,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 3,
      "explanation": "This analysis is framed within the Minimalist Program, utilizing Bare Phrase Structure. The clause is a polar question typed by the overt particle 'क्या', which is externally merged as the head of a head-initial CP. The subject 'रवि ने' is an ergative KP that originates in the specifier of vP and undergoes A-movement to the specifier of TP to satisfy T's EPP feature. Because the subject is encapsulated by the ergative case marker 'ने', it is rendered inactive for phi-agreement. Consequently, the unvalued phi-probe on T searches its c-command domain and successfully values its features against the structurally highest active nominal, the object 'चिट्ठी' (feminine singular). This valuation yields the feminine singular agreement morphology on the finite verb, exemplifying the classic object agreement pattern in Hindi (Mahajan 1990). Finally, the lexical verb undergoes successive-cyclic head movement from V to v and then to T, surfacing as the fully inflected complex head 'लिखी'.",
      "notesText": "This analysis is framed within the Minimalist Program, utilizing Bare Phrase Structure. The clause is a polar question typed by the overt particle 'क्या', which is externally merged as the head of a head-initial CP. The subject 'रवि ने' is an ergative KP that originates in the specifier of vP and undergoes A-movement to the specifier of TP to satisfy T's EPP feature. Because the subject is encapsulated by the ergative case marker 'ने', it is rendered inactive for phi-agreement. Consequently, the unvalued phi-probe on T searches its c-command domain and successfully values its features against the structurally highest active nominal, the object 'चिट्ठी' (feminine singular). This valuation yields the feminine singular agreement morphology on the finite verb, exemplifying the classic object agreement pattern in Hindi (Mahajan 1990). Finally, the lexical verb undergoes successive-cyclic head movement from V to v and then to T, surfacing as the fully inflected complex head 'लिखी'.",
      "elapsedMs": 67280,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_hi_yesno-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_hi_yesno-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_hi_yesno-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_hi_yesno-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_hu_focus",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Hungarian",
      "phenomenon": "focus-inversion",
      "sentence": "Melyik könyvet vette meg Anna?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Melyik",
        "könyvet",
        "vette",
        "meg",
        "Anna"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Melyik",
        "könyvet",
        "vette",
        "meg",
        "Anna"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 5,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 5,
      "derivationStepsCount": 31,
      "replayFrames": 31,
      "replayMovementFrames": 6,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 5,
      "explanation": "This analysis adopts a Minimalist approach to Hungarian clause structure, specifically building on the framework developed by Katalin É. Kiss, where the preverbal domain is highly articulated to license discourse-semantic features. The wh-phrase 'Melyik könyvet' (which book) undergoes A-bar movement from its base object position to the specifier of FocP to check a [+wh]/[+focus] feature. The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Melyik könyvet\" from its lower copy; head movement of v from VP to v; head movement of \"meg Anna\" from v to PredP. This V-to-Foc movement triggers the characteristic Hungarian verb-modifier inversion, stranding the perfective particle 'meg' in the specifier of PredP. Because the verb and the object have evacuated the vP, the surface linear order correctly emerges as verb–particle–subject, reflecting the underlying hierarchical evacuation of the lower phase.",
      "notesText": "This analysis adopts a Minimalist approach to Hungarian clause structure, specifically building on the framework developed by Katalin É. Kiss, where the preverbal domain is highly articulated to license discourse-semantic features. The wh-phrase 'Melyik könyvet' (which book) undergoes A-bar movement from its base object position to the specifier of FocP to check a [+wh]/[+focus] feature. The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Melyik könyvet\" from its lower copy; head movement of v from VP to v; head movement of \"meg Anna\" from v to PredP. This V-to-Foc movement triggers the characteristic Hungarian verb-modifier inversion, stranding the perfective particle 'meg' in the specifier of PredP. Because the verb and the object have evacuated the vP, the surface linear order correctly emerges as verb–particle–subject, reflecting the underlying hierarchical evacuation of the lower phase.",
      "elapsedMs": 130366,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_hu_focus-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_hu_focus-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_hu_focus-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_hu_focus-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_it_wh",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Italian",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Quale sonata ha eseguito Marta?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Quale",
        "sonata",
        "ha",
        "eseguito",
        "Marta"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Quale",
        "sonata",
        "ha",
        "eseguito",
        "Marta"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 3,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 3,
      "derivationStepsCount": 23,
      "replayFrames": 23,
      "replayMovementFrames": 4,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 3,
      "explanation": "This analysis is framed within the Minimalist Program using Bare Phrase Structure. The derivation begins with the lexical verb merging with the object wh-DP 'Quale sonata' to form the VP. The derivation explicitly records head movement of v from VP to v; head movement of \"eseguito\" from v to Part; movement of DP \"Quale sonata\" from its lower copy. The subject DP 'Marta' is externally merged in the specifier of vP. To derive the postverbal subject order typical of Italian wh-questions, the participle 'eseguito' undergoes further head movement from v to a functional head Part above vP, crossing the in-situ subject, in line with Adriana Belletti's (1990) analysis of participle raising. T merges, hosting the auxiliary 'ha', and probes the subject 'Marta' to value phi-features and assign nominative case. Finally, C merges with a wh-feature that triggers Internal Merge of the object DP 'Quale sonata' to the clause edge, satisfying the interrogative criterion and yielding the final surface order.",
      "notesText": "This analysis is framed within the Minimalist Program using Bare Phrase Structure. The derivation begins with the lexical verb merging with the object wh-DP 'Quale sonata' to form the VP. The derivation explicitly records head movement of v from VP to v; head movement of \"eseguito\" from v to Part; movement of DP \"Quale sonata\" from its lower copy. The subject DP 'Marta' is externally merged in the specifier of vP. To derive the postverbal subject order typical of Italian wh-questions, the participle 'eseguito' undergoes further head movement from v to a functional head Part above vP, crossing the in-situ subject, in line with Adriana Belletti's (1990) analysis of participle raising. T merges, hosting the auxiliary 'ha', and probes the subject 'Marta' to value phi-features and assign nominative case. Finally, C merges with a wh-feature that triggers Internal Merge of the object DP 'Quale sonata' to the clause edge, satisfying the interrogative criterion and yielding the final surface order.",
      "elapsedMs": 122348,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_it_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_it_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_it_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_it_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_nl_wh",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Dutch",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Welke student heeft Emma gezien?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Welke",
        "student",
        "heeft",
        "Emma",
        "gezien"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Welke",
        "student",
        "heeft",
        "Emma",
        "gezien"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 3,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 3,
      "derivationStepsCount": 23,
      "replayFrames": 23,
      "replayMovementFrames": 4,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 3,
      "explanation": "This analysis derives the Dutch Verb Second (V2) and wh-movement clause structure within the Minimalist Program. The wh-object 'Welke student' undergoes Internal Merge from its base position inside the head-final VP to the specifier of CP to check a [wh] feature. The finite auxiliary 'heeft' undergoes head movement from the clause-final T position to C, yielding the characteristic V2 word order. The subject 'Emma' moves from the specifier of vP to the specifier of TP to satisfy the EPP, resulting in the observed surface string.",
      "notesText": "This analysis derives the Dutch Verb Second (V2) and wh-movement clause structure within the Minimalist Program. The wh-object 'Welke student' undergoes Internal Merge from its base position inside the head-final VP to the specifier of CP to check a [wh] feature. The finite auxiliary 'heeft' undergoes head movement from the clause-final T position to C, yielding the characteristic V2 word order. The subject 'Emma' moves from the specifier of vP to the specifier of TP to satisfy the EPP, resulting in the observed surface string.",
      "elapsedMs": 212372,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_nl_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_nl_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_nl_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_nl_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_pl_wh",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Polish",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Którą gazetę kupił Marek?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Którą",
        "gazetę",
        "kupił",
        "Marek"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Którą",
        "gazetę",
        "kupił",
        "Marek"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 3,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 3,
      "derivationStepsCount": 21,
      "replayFrames": 21,
      "replayMovementFrames": 4,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 3,
      "explanation": "The derivation follows the Minimalist Program (Bare Phrase Structure). The wh-phrase 'Którą gazetę' is initially merged as the complement of V, where it receives its theta-role and Accusative case from the light verb v. The subject 'Marek' is externally merged in the specifier of vP and receives Nominative case from T via Agree. In this analysis, the subject remains in situ within the vP, a standard treatment for Polish post-verbal subjects as discussed by Jacek Witkoś (1998). The verb 'kupił' undergoes successive-cyclic head movement from V to v, and then to T, checking tense and phi-features. Finally, the interrogative C head, bearing a [+Q, +wh] feature, probes and triggers the Internal Merge of the wh-phrase 'Którą gazetę' to the clause edge. This derivation straightforwardly yields the surface order 'Którą gazetę kupił Marek' without requiring further subject movement to the specifier of TP or V-to-C movement.",
      "notesText": "The derivation follows the Minimalist Program (Bare Phrase Structure). The wh-phrase 'Którą gazetę' is initially merged as the complement of V, where it receives its theta-role and Accusative case from the light verb v. The subject 'Marek' is externally merged in the specifier of vP and receives Nominative case from T via Agree. In this analysis, the subject remains in situ within the vP, a standard treatment for Polish post-verbal subjects as discussed by Jacek Witkoś (1998). The verb 'kupił' undergoes successive-cyclic head movement from V to v, and then to T, checking tense and phi-features. Finally, the interrogative C head, bearing a [+Q, +wh] feature, probes and triggers the Internal Merge of the wh-phrase 'Którą gazetę' to the clause edge. This derivation straightforwardly yields the surface order 'Którą gazetę kupił Marek' without requiring further subject movement to the specifier of TP or V-to-C movement.",
      "elapsedMs": 104542,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_pl_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_pl_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_pl_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_pl_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_pt_wh",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Portuguese",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Que relatório revisou Sofia?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Que",
        "relatório",
        "revisou",
        "Sofia"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Que",
        "relatório",
        "revisou",
        "Sofia"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 5,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 5,
      "derivationStepsCount": 27,
      "replayFrames": 27,
      "replayMovementFrames": 6,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 5,
      "explanation": "The derivation of the Portuguese interrogative 'Que relatório revisou Sofia?' is analyzed within the Minimalist Program using Bare Phrase Structure. The wh-phrase 'Que relatório' is initially merged as the complement of the lexical verb 'revisou', where it receives its internal theta-role. The derivation explicitly records head movement of v from VP to v; head movement of T from v to T; head movement of \"revisou\" from T to C. The subject 'Sofia' is externally merged in the specifier of vP and moves to the specifier of TP to satisfy the EPP feature of T and receive nominative case. This derivational path correctly yields the surface VSO-like word order by placing the fronted wh-phrase in Spec,CP, the inflected verb in C, and the subject in Spec,TP, with the lower copies of the verb and arguments realized as traces.",
      "notesText": "The derivation of the Portuguese interrogative 'Que relatório revisou Sofia?' is analyzed within the Minimalist Program using Bare Phrase Structure. The wh-phrase 'Que relatório' is initially merged as the complement of the lexical verb 'revisou', where it receives its internal theta-role. The derivation explicitly records head movement of v from VP to v; head movement of T from v to T; head movement of \"revisou\" from T to C. The subject 'Sofia' is externally merged in the specifier of vP and moves to the specifier of TP to satisfy the EPP feature of T and receive nominative case. This derivational path correctly yields the surface VSO-like word order by placing the fronted wh-phrase in Spec,CP, the inflected verb in C, and the subject in Spec,TP, with the lower copies of the verb and arguments realized as traces.",
      "elapsedMs": 110109,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_pt_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_pt_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_pt_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_pt_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_ro_wh",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Romanian",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Ce film a văzut Irina?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Ce",
        "film",
        "a",
        "văzut",
        "Irina"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Ce",
        "film",
        "a",
        "văzut",
        "Irina"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 3,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 3,
      "derivationStepsCount": 22,
      "replayFrames": 22,
      "replayMovementFrames": 4,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 3,
      "explanation": "The analysis is framed within the Minimalist Program, utilizing Bare Phrase Structure. The sentence exhibits wh-movement and a postverbal subject, characteristic of Romanian interrogatives. The wh-phrase 'Ce film' (what movie) is initially merged as the complement of the lexical verb and undergoes Internal Merge to the specifier of CP to check the [wh] feature of the interrogative C head. The auxiliary 'a' is base-generated in T, carrying tense and agreement features. This derivation aligns with standard Minimalist treatments of Romanian clause structure (e.g., Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin 1994, Gabriela Alboiu 2002), where the subject can remain low while the participle raises to a functional projection above vP but below TP. The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Ce film\" from its lower copy; head movement of v from VP to v; head movement of \"văzut\" from v to Asp.",
      "notesText": "The analysis is framed within the Minimalist Program, utilizing Bare Phrase Structure. The sentence exhibits wh-movement and a postverbal subject, characteristic of Romanian interrogatives. The wh-phrase 'Ce film' (what movie) is initially merged as the complement of the lexical verb and undergoes Internal Merge to the specifier of CP to check the [wh] feature of the interrogative C head. The auxiliary 'a' is base-generated in T, carrying tense and agreement features. This derivation aligns with standard Minimalist treatments of Romanian clause structure (e.g., Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin 1994, Gabriela Alboiu 2002), where the subject can remain low while the participle raises to a functional projection above vP but below TP. The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Ce film\" from its lower copy; head movement of v from VP to v; head movement of \"văzut\" from v to Asp.",
      "elapsedMs": 86284,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_ro_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_ro_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_ro_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_ro_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_ru_wh",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Russian",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Какую книгу купила Маша?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Какую",
        "книгу",
        "купила",
        "Маша"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Какую",
        "книгу",
        "купила",
        "Маша"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 2,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 2,
      "derivationStepsCount": 22,
      "replayFrames": 22,
      "replayMovementFrames": 3,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 2,
      "explanation": "This analysis derives the Russian OVS interrogative clause within the Minimalist Program using Bare Phrase Structure. The derivation begins by merging the verb and the object wh-phrase 'Какую книгу' to form the VP, followed by the external merge of the subject 'Маша' in the specifier of vP, where it receives its theta-role. To value its uninterpretable phi-features and assign nominative case, the T head probes and agrees with the in-situ subject. Finally, the interrogative C head probes for a [wh] feature, triggering the Internal Merge of the object DP 'Какую книгу' from its base position to the clause edge. The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Какую книгу\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"купила\" from VP to T.",
      "notesText": "This analysis derives the Russian OVS interrogative clause within the Minimalist Program using Bare Phrase Structure. The derivation begins by merging the verb and the object wh-phrase 'Какую книгу' to form the VP, followed by the external merge of the subject 'Маша' in the specifier of vP, where it receives its theta-role. To value its uninterpretable phi-features and assign nominative case, the T head probes and agrees with the in-situ subject. Finally, the interrogative C head probes for a [wh] feature, triggering the Internal Merge of the object DP 'Какую книгу' from its base position to the clause edge. The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Какую книгу\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"купила\" from VP to T.",
      "elapsedMs": 103736,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_ru_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_ru_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_ru_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_ru_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_ar_embed",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Arabic",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-clause",
      "sentence": "قالت مريم إن بول سيغادر غداً.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "قالت",
        "مريم",
        "إن",
        "بول",
        "سيغادر",
        "غداً"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "قالت",
        "مريم",
        "إن",
        "بول",
        "سيغادر",
        "غداً"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 3,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 3,
      "derivationStepsCount": 41,
      "replayFrames": 41,
      "replayMovementFrames": 4,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 3,
      "explanation": "This analysis models the Arabic sentence within X-bar Theory, capturing the structural contrast between the matrix VSO clause and the embedded SVO clause. Following the standard treatment of Arabic clause structure (e.g., Abdelkader Fassi Fehri 1993), the matrix VSO order is derived via head movement of the verb 'قالت' from V to Infl, while the subject 'مريم' remains in its base-generated position in Spec,VP. The root projection is CP, headed by a null complementizer. In the embedded clause, the overt complementizer 'إن' selects an InflP complement and assigns accusative case to the embedded subject 'بول'. To receive this case and satisfy the EPP, the embedded subject undergoes phrasal movement from Spec,VP to Spec,InflP, yielding the SVO surface order. The embedded verb 'سيغادر' also undergoes head movement from V to Infl to check tense features. Finally, the temporal adjunct 'غداً' is right-adjoined to the embedded V', modifying the lower verbal complex.",
      "notesText": "This analysis models the Arabic sentence within X-bar Theory, capturing the structural contrast between the matrix VSO clause and the embedded SVO clause. Following the standard treatment of Arabic clause structure (e.g., Abdelkader Fassi Fehri 1993), the matrix VSO order is derived via head movement of the verb 'قالت' from V to Infl, while the subject 'مريم' remains in its base-generated position in Spec,VP. The root projection is CP, headed by a null complementizer. In the embedded clause, the overt complementizer 'إن' selects an InflP complement and assigns accusative case to the embedded subject 'بول'. To receive this case and satisfy the EPP, the embedded subject undergoes phrasal movement from Spec,VP to Spec,InflP, yielding the SVO surface order. The embedded verb 'سيغادر' also undergoes head movement from V to Infl to check tense features. Finally, the temporal adjunct 'غداً' is right-adjoined to the embedded V', modifying the lower verbal complex.",
      "elapsedMs": 113147,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_ar_embed-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_ar_embed-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_ar_embed-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_ar_embed-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_bn_embed",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Bengali",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-clause",
      "sentence": "শিক্ষক বললেন যে ছাত্রী বইটি পড়েছে।",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "শিক্ষক",
        "বললেন",
        "যে",
        "ছাত্রী",
        "বইটি",
        "পড়েছে"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "শিক্ষক",
        "বললেন",
        "যে",
        "ছাত্রী",
        "বইটি",
        "পড়েছে"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 3,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 3,
      "derivationStepsCount": 39,
      "replayFrames": 39,
      "replayMovementFrames": 4,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 3,
      "explanation": "The derivation explicitly records head movement of \"বললেন\" from V to Infl; movement of CP \"যে ছাত্রী বইটি পড়েছে\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"পড়েছে\" from V to Infl. Both the matrix verb 'বললেন' and the embedded verb 'পড়েছে' move from V to Infl. To derive the surface S-V-CP order, the finite complement clause introduced by 'যে' (je) undergoes rightward extraposition from its preverbal complement position, adjoining to the matrix InflP. This approach aligns with standard treatments of Bengali finite complementation (e.g., Josef Bayer 1996), explaining why 'যে'-clauses obligatorily appear post-verbally despite the language's general SOV character.",
      "notesText": "The derivation explicitly records head movement of \"বললেন\" from V to Infl; movement of CP \"যে ছাত্রী বইটি পড়েছে\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"পড়েছে\" from V to Infl. Both the matrix verb 'বললেন' and the embedded verb 'পড়েছে' move from V to Infl. To derive the surface S-V-CP order, the finite complement clause introduced by 'যে' (je) undergoes rightward extraposition from its preverbal complement position, adjoining to the matrix InflP. This approach aligns with standard treatments of Bengali finite complementation (e.g., Josef Bayer 1996), explaining why 'যে'-clauses obligatorily appear post-verbally despite the language's general SOV character.",
      "elapsedMs": 206351,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_bn_embed-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_bn_embed-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_bn_embed-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_bn_embed-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_de_embed_perfect",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "German",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-perfect",
      "sentence": "Der Lehrer sagte, dass die Schülerin das Buch gelesen hat.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Der",
        "Lehrer",
        "sagte",
        "dass",
        "die",
        "Schülerin",
        "das",
        "Buch",
        "gelesen",
        "hat"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Der",
        "Lehrer",
        "sagte",
        "dass",
        "die",
        "Schülerin",
        "das",
        "Buch",
        "gelesen",
        "hat"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 5,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 5,
      "derivationStepsCount": 51,
      "replayFrames": 51,
      "replayMovementFrames": 6,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 5,
      "explanation": "This X-bar analysis captures the standard German clause structure, which is underlyingly head-final in the VP and InflP domains. In the main clause, the finite verb 'sagte' undergoes head movement from V through Infl to C to satisfy the V2 requirement, while the subject 'Der Lehrer' moves from Spec,VP through Spec,InflP to Spec,CP. The embedded clause 'dass die Schülerin das Buch gelesen hat' is introduced by the complementizer 'dass', which blocks verb movement to C, leaving the auxiliary 'hat' in the head-final Infl position and the participle 'gelesen' in the head-final V position.",
      "notesText": "This X-bar analysis captures the standard German clause structure, which is underlyingly head-final in the VP and InflP domains. In the main clause, the finite verb 'sagte' undergoes head movement from V through Infl to C to satisfy the V2 requirement, while the subject 'Der Lehrer' moves from Spec,VP through Spec,InflP to Spec,CP. The embedded clause 'dass die Schülerin das Buch gelesen hat' is introduced by the complementizer 'dass', which blocks verb movement to C, leaving the auxiliary 'hat' in the head-final Infl position and the participle 'gelesen' in the head-final V position.",
      "elapsedMs": 248709,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_de_embed_perfect-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_de_embed_perfect-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_de_embed_perfect-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_de_embed_perfect-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_de_wh",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "German",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Welches Gemälde hat Lara gekauft?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Welches",
        "Gemälde",
        "hat",
        "Lara",
        "gekauft"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Welches",
        "Gemälde",
        "hat",
        "Lara",
        "gekauft"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 2,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 2,
      "derivationStepsCount": 27,
      "replayFrames": 27,
      "replayMovementFrames": 3,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 2,
      "explanation": "The sentence 'Welches Gemälde hat Lara gekauft?' is a German V2 wh-question. In X-bar Theory, German clause structure is standardly analyzed as head-final in the VP and InflP domains, but head-initial in the CP domain. The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Welches Gemälde\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"hat\" from Infl' to C. The wh-phrase 'Welches Gemälde' is base-generated as the direct object within the head-final VP, where it receives its theta-role and accusative case from the participle 'gekauft'. Driven by the need to check a wh-feature, this object DP undergoes A-bar movement to the specifier of CP. The subject 'Lara' remains in the specifier of InflP, where it receives nominative case from Infl. This derivation elegantly captures the surface V2 word order while maintaining the underlying SOV properties characteristic of German syntax.",
      "notesText": "The sentence 'Welches Gemälde hat Lara gekauft?' is a German V2 wh-question. In X-bar Theory, German clause structure is standardly analyzed as head-final in the VP and InflP domains, but head-initial in the CP domain. The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Welches Gemälde\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"hat\" from Infl' to C. The wh-phrase 'Welches Gemälde' is base-generated as the direct object within the head-final VP, where it receives its theta-role and accusative case from the participle 'gekauft'. Driven by the need to check a wh-feature, this object DP undergoes A-bar movement to the specifier of CP. The subject 'Lara' remains in the specifier of InflP, where it receives nominative case from Infl. This derivation elegantly captures the surface V2 word order while maintaining the underlying SOV properties characteristic of German syntax.",
      "elapsedMs": 74225,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_de_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_de_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_de_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_de_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_el_wh",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Greek",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Ποιο βιβλίο διάβασε η Μαρία;",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Ποιο",
        "βιβλίο",
        "διάβασε",
        "η",
        "Μαρία"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Ποιο",
        "βιβλίο",
        "διάβασε",
        "η",
        "Μαρία"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 3,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 3,
      "derivationStepsCount": 28,
      "replayFrames": 28,
      "replayMovementFrames": 4,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 3,
      "explanation": "The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Ποιο βιβλίο\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"η Μαρία\" from V' to Infl'; head movement of \"διάβασε\" from Infl' to C. The wh-phrase 'Ποιο βιβλίο' is base-generated as the complement of the verb and undergoes A-bar movement to Spec,CP to satisfy the interrogative feature of the clause. Following the analytical tradition of Alexiadou and Anagnostopoulou (1998), the subject 'η Μαρία' is analyzed as remaining in its base-generated Spec,VP position rather than moving to Spec,InflP. This endocentric derivation elegantly produces the pronounced VSO order without requiring rightward adjunction or extra functional projections, as the raised verb in C linearly precedes the in-situ subject in Spec,VP.",
      "notesText": "The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Ποιο βιβλίο\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"η Μαρία\" from V' to Infl'; head movement of \"διάβασε\" from Infl' to C. The wh-phrase 'Ποιο βιβλίο' is base-generated as the complement of the verb and undergoes A-bar movement to Spec,CP to satisfy the interrogative feature of the clause. Following the analytical tradition of Alexiadou and Anagnostopoulou (1998), the subject 'η Μαρία' is analyzed as remaining in its base-generated Spec,VP position rather than moving to Spec,InflP. This endocentric derivation elegantly produces the pronounced VSO order without requiring rightward adjunction or extra functional projections, as the raised verb in C linearly precedes the in-situ subject in Spec,VP.",
      "elapsedMs": 114549,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_el_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_el_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_el_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_el_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_en_raising",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "English",
      "phenomenon": "raising-like-clause",
      "sentence": "It seems that the guests have departed.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "It",
        "seems",
        "that",
        "the",
        "guests",
        "have",
        "departed"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "It",
        "seems",
        "that",
        "the",
        "guests",
        "have",
        "departed"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 1,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 1,
      "derivationStepsCount": 32,
      "replayFrames": 32,
      "replayMovementFrames": 2,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 1,
      "explanation": "This analysis models the sentence within X-bar Theory, treating the matrix verb 'seems' as a raising verb that selects a finite CP complement. Because the embedded clause is finite, headed by the overt complementizer 'that', its subject 'the guests' receives nominative case locally from the finite Infl 'have', preventing any A-movement (raising) into the matrix clause. Instead, the matrix subject position (Spec,InflP) is filled by the external merge of the expletive pronoun 'It' to satisfy Noam Chomsky's Extended Projection Principle (EPP). Within the embedded clause, the verb 'departed' is unaccusative; it lacks an external argument and base-generates 'the guests' as its internal argument (complement of V). This DP then undergoes A-movement to the embedded Spec,InflP to satisfy the EPP and receive nominative case. The auxiliary 'have' is base-generated in the embedded Infl position, while the matrix Infl is phonologically null but carries present tense features. This derivation elegantly captures the unaccusative nature of the embedded predicate alongside the expletive strategy required by the finite boundary.",
      "notesText": "This analysis models the sentence within X-bar Theory, treating the matrix verb 'seems' as a raising verb that selects a finite CP complement. Because the embedded clause is finite, headed by the overt complementizer 'that', its subject 'the guests' receives nominative case locally from the finite Infl 'have', preventing any A-movement (raising) into the matrix clause. Instead, the matrix subject position (Spec,InflP) is filled by the external merge of the expletive pronoun 'It' to satisfy Noam Chomsky's Extended Projection Principle (EPP). Within the embedded clause, the verb 'departed' is unaccusative; it lacks an external argument and base-generates 'the guests' as its internal argument (complement of V). This DP then undergoes A-movement to the embedded Spec,InflP to satisfy the EPP and receive nominative case. The auxiliary 'have' is base-generated in the embedded Infl position, while the matrix Infl is phonologically null but carries present tense features. This derivation elegantly captures the unaccusative nature of the embedded predicate alongside the expletive strategy required by the finite boundary.",
      "elapsedMs": 106189,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_en_raising-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_en_raising-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_en_raising-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_en_raising-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_en_relative",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "English",
      "phenomenon": "relative-clause",
      "sentence": "The editor who praised the article resigned.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "The",
        "editor",
        "who",
        "praised",
        "the",
        "article",
        "resigned"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "The",
        "editor",
        "who",
        "praised",
        "the",
        "article",
        "resigned"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 1,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 1,
      "derivationStepsCount": 39,
      "replayFrames": 39,
      "replayMovementFrames": 2,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 1,
      "explanation": "The sentence is analyzed within standard X-bar Theory, featuring a complex subject DP that contains a restrictive relative clause. The main clause is projected as a CP headed by a null complementizer, taking an InflP complement. The subject DP 'The editor who praised the article' occupies the specifier of the main InflP, with the relative clause treated as a CP adjoined to the intermediate N' projection of 'editor'. The relative pronoun 'who' originates in the specifier of the embedded InflP, where it receives nominative case and the external theta-role. It then undergoes A-bar movement to the specifier of the relative CP to check a wh-feature, leaving a co-indexed trace in the subject position. The embedded transitive verb 'praised' assigns accusative case to its complement DP 'the article'. Finally, the main clause predicate 'resigned' projects an intransitive VP, and the main Infl head assigns nominative case to the complex subject DP.",
      "notesText": "The sentence is analyzed within standard X-bar Theory, featuring a complex subject DP that contains a restrictive relative clause. The main clause is projected as a CP headed by a null complementizer, taking an InflP complement. The subject DP 'The editor who praised the article' occupies the specifier of the main InflP, with the relative clause treated as a CP adjoined to the intermediate N' projection of 'editor'. The relative pronoun 'who' originates in the specifier of the embedded InflP, where it receives nominative case and the external theta-role. It then undergoes A-bar movement to the specifier of the relative CP to check a wh-feature, leaving a co-indexed trace in the subject position. The embedded transitive verb 'praised' assigns accusative case to its complement DP 'the article'. Finally, the main clause predicate 'resigned' projects an intransitive VP, and the main Infl head assigns nominative case to the complex subject DP.",
      "elapsedMs": 109940,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_en_relative-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_en_relative-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_en_relative-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_en_relative-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_es_complement",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Spanish",
      "phenomenon": "complement-clause",
      "sentence": "El médico dijo que la paciente llegó temprano.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "El",
        "médico",
        "dijo",
        "que",
        "la",
        "paciente",
        "llegó",
        "temprano"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "El",
        "médico",
        "dijo",
        "que",
        "la",
        "paciente",
        "llegó",
        "temprano"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 4,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 4,
      "derivationStepsCount": 38,
      "replayFrames": 38,
      "replayMovementFrames": 5,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 4,
      "explanation": "This analysis is framed within X-bar Theory and Government and Binding Theory. The main clause is an InflP headed by the finite verb 'dijo', which undergoes head movement from V to Infl to check tense and agreement features. The external argument 'El médico' originates in the specifier of VP and moves to the specifier of InflP to satisfy the Extended Projection Principle (EPP) and receive nominative case. The complement of the main verb is a finite CP introduced by the complementizer 'que'. Within the embedded clause, the verb 'llegó' is unaccusative, meaning its sole argument 'la paciente' is base-generated as the internal argument (sister to V). To satisfy the EPP in the embedded finite clause, 'la paciente' undergoes A-movement to the specifier of the embedded InflP. The embedded verb 'llegó' also raises from V to Infl. Finally, the temporal adjunct 'temprano' is adjoined to the embedded VP, modifying the event time of the unaccusative predicate. This derivation aligns with the VP-Internal Subject Hypothesis (Koopman and Sportiche 1991) and standard treatments of unaccusativity in Romance languages.",
      "notesText": "This analysis is framed within X-bar Theory and Government and Binding Theory. The main clause is an InflP headed by the finite verb 'dijo', which undergoes head movement from V to Infl to check tense and agreement features. The external argument 'El médico' originates in the specifier of VP and moves to the specifier of InflP to satisfy the Extended Projection Principle (EPP) and receive nominative case. The complement of the main verb is a finite CP introduced by the complementizer 'que'. Within the embedded clause, the verb 'llegó' is unaccusative, meaning its sole argument 'la paciente' is base-generated as the internal argument (sister to V). To satisfy the EPP in the embedded finite clause, 'la paciente' undergoes A-movement to the specifier of the embedded InflP. The embedded verb 'llegó' also raises from V to Infl. Finally, the temporal adjunct 'temprano' is adjoined to the embedded VP, modifying the event time of the unaccusative predicate. This derivation aligns with the VP-Internal Subject Hypothesis (Koopman and Sportiche 1991) and standard treatments of unaccusativity in Romance languages.",
      "elapsedMs": 116515,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_es_complement-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_es_complement-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_es_complement-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_es_complement-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_es_yesno",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Spanish",
      "phenomenon": "yes-no-question",
      "sentence": "¿Ha comprado Ana el libro?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Ha",
        "comprado",
        "Ana",
        "el",
        "libro"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Ha",
        "comprado",
        "Ana",
        "el",
        "libro"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 1,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 1,
      "derivationStepsCount": 34,
      "replayFrames": 34,
      "replayMovementFrames": 1,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 1,
      "explanation": "This analysis derives the Spanish VSO word order within Government and Binding Theory by base-generating the subject 'Ana' in the specifier of the lexical VP, following the VP-Internal Subject Hypothesis (Koopman & Sportiche 1991). The finite auxiliary 'Ha' is base-generated in the Infl head, where it carries tense and agreement features. The lexical verb 'comprado' originates in V, where it assigns theta-roles to the subject and the direct object 'el libro'. To derive the surface order, the lexical verb undergoes head movement from V to the Aspect head (Asp) to check participial features. The subject remains in situ within Spec,VP, receiving Nominative case from Infl under government, a standard structural treatment for Spanish VSO clauses (Zagona 1982). The interrogative force of the yes/no question is captured by a null complementizer in C, without requiring V-to-C movement, as Spanish allows in-situ subjects to follow the inflected verb complex.",
      "notesText": "This analysis derives the Spanish VSO word order within Government and Binding Theory by base-generating the subject 'Ana' in the specifier of the lexical VP, following the VP-Internal Subject Hypothesis (Koopman & Sportiche 1991). The finite auxiliary 'Ha' is base-generated in the Infl head, where it carries tense and agreement features. The lexical verb 'comprado' originates in V, where it assigns theta-roles to the subject and the direct object 'el libro'. To derive the surface order, the lexical verb undergoes head movement from V to the Aspect head (Asp) to check participial features. The subject remains in situ within Spec,VP, receiving Nominative case from Infl under government, a standard structural treatment for Spanish VSO clauses (Zagona 1982). The interrogative force of the yes/no question is captured by a null complementizer in C, without requiring V-to-C movement, as Spanish allows in-situ subjects to follow the inflected verb complex.",
      "elapsedMs": 81843,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_es_yesno-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_es_yesno-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_es_yesno-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_es_yesno-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_fr_embed",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "French",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-clause",
      "sentence": "Marie a dit que Paul viendra.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Marie",
        "a",
        "dit",
        "que",
        "Paul",
        "viendra"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Marie",
        "a",
        "dit",
        "que",
        "Paul",
        "viendra"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 3,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 3,
      "derivationStepsCount": 40,
      "replayFrames": 40,
      "replayMovementFrames": 4,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 3,
      "explanation": "This analysis employs X-bar Theory to capture the hierarchical structure and movement operations in the French sentence 'Marie a dit que Paul viendra.' The root of the main clause is projected as a CP with a null head, embedding the primary InflP. Following the VP-Internal Subject Hypothesis, both subjects, 'Marie' and 'Paul,' originate in the specifier of their respective VPs and undergo phrasal movement to Spec,InflP to satisfy the Extended Projection Principle (EPP) and receive Nominative case from finite Infl. In the main clause, the auxiliary 'a' is base-generated in Infl, while the past participle 'dit' remains in situ within the VP. This derivation accurately reflects the rigid surface word order of French while maintaining endocentric phrase structure and strict locality conditions. The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Marie\" from its lower copy; movement of DP \"Paul\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"viendra\" from V' to Infl.",
      "notesText": "This analysis employs X-bar Theory to capture the hierarchical structure and movement operations in the French sentence 'Marie a dit que Paul viendra.' The root of the main clause is projected as a CP with a null head, embedding the primary InflP. Following the VP-Internal Subject Hypothesis, both subjects, 'Marie' and 'Paul,' originate in the specifier of their respective VPs and undergo phrasal movement to Spec,InflP to satisfy the Extended Projection Principle (EPP) and receive Nominative case from finite Infl. In the main clause, the auxiliary 'a' is base-generated in Infl, while the past participle 'dit' remains in situ within the VP. This derivation accurately reflects the rigid surface word order of French while maintaining endocentric phrase structure and strict locality conditions. The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Marie\" from its lower copy; movement of DP \"Paul\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"viendra\" from V' to Infl.",
      "elapsedMs": 114791,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_fr_embed-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_fr_embed-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_fr_embed-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_fr_embed-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_fr_passive",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "French",
      "phenomenon": "passive",
      "sentence": "Le rapport a été publié hier.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Le",
        "rapport",
        "a",
        "été",
        "publié",
        "hier"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Le",
        "rapport",
        "a",
        "été",
        "publié",
        "hier"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 1,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 1,
      "derivationStepsCount": 27,
      "replayFrames": 27,
      "replayMovementFrames": 2,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 1,
      "explanation": "This analysis models the French passive clause within the framework of X-bar Theory, capturing the structural consequences of passive morphology on argument licensing. The finite auxiliary 'a' is base-generated in the Infl head, where it projects the finite InflP and serves as the locus of tense and agreement. The passive participle 'publié' heads the lowest VP but, following the classic analysis of passive voice, fails to assign accusative case to its internal argument. Consequently, the underlying object 'Le rapport' must undergo A-movement from its base-generated position as the complement of the main verb to the specifier of InflP. The temporal adjunct 'hier' is right-adjoined to the lower VP, modifying the event introduced by the main verb while preserving the endocentric structure of the verbal projection. This derivational path explicitly accounts for the surface word order by linking the pronounced subject to its thematic origin via a canonical movement dependency.",
      "notesText": "This analysis models the French passive clause within the framework of X-bar Theory, capturing the structural consequences of passive morphology on argument licensing. The finite auxiliary 'a' is base-generated in the Infl head, where it projects the finite InflP and serves as the locus of tense and agreement. The passive participle 'publié' heads the lowest VP but, following the classic analysis of passive voice, fails to assign accusative case to its internal argument. Consequently, the underlying object 'Le rapport' must undergo A-movement from its base-generated position as the complement of the main verb to the specifier of InflP. The temporal adjunct 'hier' is right-adjoined to the lower VP, modifying the event introduced by the main verb while preserving the endocentric structure of the verbal projection. This derivational path explicitly accounts for the surface word order by linking the pronounced subject to its thematic origin via a canonical movement dependency.",
      "elapsedMs": 100464,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_fr_passive-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_fr_passive-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_fr_passive-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_fr_passive-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_ga_embed",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Irish",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-complement",
      "sentence": "Gheall sé go bhfillfeadh sé ar an bhaile.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Gheall",
        "sé",
        "go",
        "bhfillfeadh",
        "sé",
        "ar",
        "an",
        "bhaile"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Gheall",
        "sé",
        "go",
        "bhfillfeadh",
        "sé",
        "ar",
        "an",
        "bhaile"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 2,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 2,
      "derivationStepsCount": 36,
      "replayFrames": 36,
      "replayMovementFrames": 3,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 2,
      "explanation": "The analysis derives the VSO word order of Irish using standard X-bar Theory, following the well-known approach of James McCloskey (1996). In this framework, the underlying structure of the clause places the subject in the specifier of VP and the verb in the V head. The finite verb then undergoes head movement from V to Infl to check tense and agreement features, while the subject DP 'sé' remains in its base-generated position. This V-to-Infl movement occurs in both the matrix clause, where 'Gheall' moves to the matrix Infl, and the embedded clause, where 'bhfillfeadh' moves to the embedded Infl. The complementizer 'go' occupies the head of the embedded CP, selecting the finite InflP as its complement. The prepositional phrase 'ar an bhaile' functions as the complement to the embedded verb, completing the endocentric projection of the lower VP. The root of the matrix clause is projected as a CP with a null C head, consistent with standard assumptions for finite declarative clauses.",
      "notesText": "The analysis derives the VSO word order of Irish using standard X-bar Theory, following the well-known approach of James McCloskey (1996). In this framework, the underlying structure of the clause places the subject in the specifier of VP and the verb in the V head. The finite verb then undergoes head movement from V to Infl to check tense and agreement features, while the subject DP 'sé' remains in its base-generated position. This V-to-Infl movement occurs in both the matrix clause, where 'Gheall' moves to the matrix Infl, and the embedded clause, where 'bhfillfeadh' moves to the embedded Infl. The complementizer 'go' occupies the head of the embedded CP, selecting the finite InflP as its complement. The prepositional phrase 'ar an bhaile' functions as the complement to the embedded verb, completing the endocentric projection of the lower VP. The root of the matrix clause is projected as a CP with a null C head, consistent with standard assumptions for finite declarative clauses.",
      "elapsedMs": 101379,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_ga_embed-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_ga_embed-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_ga_embed-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_ga_embed-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_ga_vso",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Irish",
      "phenomenon": "vso-declarative",
      "sentence": "Chonaic Seán an madra.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Chonaic",
        "Seán",
        "an",
        "madra"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Chonaic",
        "Seán",
        "an",
        "madra"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 1,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 1,
      "derivationStepsCount": 23,
      "replayFrames": 23,
      "replayMovementFrames": 2,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 1,
      "explanation": "The verb 'Chonaic' originates as the head of VP, where it selects and assigns a theta-role to its object 'an madra'. The derivation explicitly records head movement of \"Chonaic\" from V' to Infl. The subject 'Seán' is generated in the specifier of VP and remains in this position, receiving nominative case from the finite Infl under government. This derivation elegantly captures the strict verb-initial surface order while maintaining a standard endocentric X-bar architecture where the verb and its arguments are initially merged in a local configuration.",
      "notesText": "The verb 'Chonaic' originates as the head of VP, where it selects and assigns a theta-role to its object 'an madra'. The derivation explicitly records head movement of \"Chonaic\" from V' to Infl. The subject 'Seán' is generated in the specifier of VP and remains in this position, receiving nominative case from the finite Infl under government. This derivation elegantly captures the strict verb-initial surface order while maintaining a standard endocentric X-bar architecture where the verb and its arguments are initially merged in a local configuration.",
      "elapsedMs": 59607,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_ga_vso-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_ga_vso-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_ga_vso-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_ga_vso-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_he_embed",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Hebrew",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-clause",
      "sentence": "דנה אמרה שיואב יגיע מחר.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "דנה",
        "אמרה",
        "שיואב",
        "יגיע",
        "מחר"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "דנה",
        "אמרה",
        "שיואב",
        "יגיע",
        "מחר"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 4,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 4,
      "derivationStepsCount": 46,
      "replayFrames": 46,
      "replayMovementFrames": 5,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 4,
      "explanation": "This analysis assumes an X-bar theoretic framework incorporating the VP-Internal Subject Hypothesis and V-to-Infl movement, standard for Hebrew finite clauses as detailed by Ur Shlonsky (1997). In both the matrix and embedded clauses, the finite verbs ('אמרה' and 'יגיע') undergo head movement from V to Infl to check tense features, leaving traces in their base positions. The subjects ('דנה' and 'יואב') originate in Spec,VP and move to Spec,InflP to satisfy the EPP and receive nominative case. A notable representational choice involves the embedded complementizer and subject, which surface as the single morphologically complex token 'שיואב'. The overt token 'שיואב' is placed under the D head of the embedded subject in Spec,InflP, reflecting its status as a phonological proclitic that merges at PF rather than a syntactic constituent. Finally, the temporal adjunct 'מחר' is right-adjoined to the embedded VP.",
      "notesText": "This analysis assumes an X-bar theoretic framework incorporating the VP-Internal Subject Hypothesis and V-to-Infl movement, standard for Hebrew finite clauses as detailed by Ur Shlonsky (1997). In both the matrix and embedded clauses, the finite verbs ('אמרה' and 'יגיע') undergo head movement from V to Infl to check tense features, leaving traces in their base positions. The subjects ('דנה' and 'יואב') originate in Spec,VP and move to Spec,InflP to satisfy the EPP and receive nominative case. A notable representational choice involves the embedded complementizer and subject, which surface as the single morphologically complex token 'שיואב'. The overt token 'שיואב' is placed under the D head of the embedded subject in Spec,InflP, reflecting its status as a phonological proclitic that merges at PF rather than a syntactic constituent. Finally, the temporal adjunct 'מחר' is right-adjoined to the embedded VP.",
      "elapsedMs": 135096,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_he_embed-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_he_embed-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_he_embed-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_he_embed-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_hi_embed",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Hindi",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-clause",
      "sentence": "शिक्षक ने कहा कि छात्रा जल्दी आई।",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "शिक्षक",
        "ने",
        "कहा",
        "कि",
        "छात्रा",
        "जल्दी",
        "आई"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "शिक्षक",
        "ने",
        "कहा",
        "कि",
        "छात्रा",
        "जल्दी",
        "आई"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 5,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 5,
      "derivationStepsCount": 41,
      "replayFrames": 41,
      "replayMovementFrames": 6,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 5,
      "explanation": "This analysis models the Hindi sentence within X-bar Theory, capturing its underlying head-final architecture and the surface displacement of the finite complement clause. Because Hindi is robustly head-final, verbs take their complements to the left, yielding an underlying Subject-Object-Verb order. However, finite CP complements in Hindi typically cannot remain in the preverbal position, a restriction often attributed to case resistance or licensing requirements, as discussed by Anoop Mahajan (1990). To derive the surface order, the finite CP 'कि छात्रा जल्दी आई' is base-generated as the leftward complement of the main verb 'कहा' and subsequently undergoes rightward extraposition, moving to adjoin to the matrix InflP. Within both the matrix and embedded clauses, the subjects ('शिक्षक ने' and 'छात्रा') originate in the specifier of VP and move to the specifier of InflP to satisfy the Extended Projection Principle and receive case. Furthermore, the verbs 'कहा' and 'आई' undergo head movement from their base positions in V to Infl, acquiring tense and agreement features. This combination of leftward head movement and rightward phrasal extraposition elegantly derives the observed surface string from a strictly head-final base structure.",
      "notesText": "This analysis models the Hindi sentence within X-bar Theory, capturing its underlying head-final architecture and the surface displacement of the finite complement clause. Because Hindi is robustly head-final, verbs take their complements to the left, yielding an underlying Subject-Object-Verb order. However, finite CP complements in Hindi typically cannot remain in the preverbal position, a restriction often attributed to case resistance or licensing requirements, as discussed by Anoop Mahajan (1990). To derive the surface order, the finite CP 'कि छात्रा जल्दी आई' is base-generated as the leftward complement of the main verb 'कहा' and subsequently undergoes rightward extraposition, moving to adjoin to the matrix InflP. Within both the matrix and embedded clauses, the subjects ('शिक्षक ने' and 'छात्रा') originate in the specifier of VP and move to the specifier of InflP to satisfy the Extended Projection Principle and receive case. Furthermore, the verbs 'कहा' and 'आई' undergo head movement from their base positions in V to Infl, acquiring tense and agreement features. This combination of leftward head movement and rightward phrasal extraposition elegantly derives the observed surface string from a strictly head-final base structure.",
      "elapsedMs": 151321,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_hi_embed-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_hi_embed-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_hi_embed-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_hi_embed-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_it_subjunctive",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Italian",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-subjunctive",
      "sentence": "Gianni pensa che Lucia parta domani.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Gianni",
        "pensa",
        "che",
        "Lucia",
        "parta",
        "domani"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Gianni",
        "pensa",
        "che",
        "Lucia",
        "parta",
        "domani"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 2,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 2,
      "derivationStepsCount": 37,
      "replayFrames": 37,
      "replayMovementFrames": 3,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 2,
      "explanation": "The sentence 'Gianni pensa che Lucia parta domani' is analyzed within the framework of X-bar Theory. The root of the structure is a CP with a null head, which takes the matrix InflP as its complement. The matrix clause features the finite verb 'pensa', which undergoes head movement from its base position in V to Infl to check tense and agreement features. The subject 'Gianni' occupies the specifier of InflP and receives nominative case from the finite Infl. The complement of the matrix verb is an embedded finite CP introduced by the overt complementizer 'che'. Within this embedded clause, the subject 'Lucia' is situated in the specifier of the embedded InflP. The embedded verb 'parta', a present subjunctive form, similarly undergoes head movement from V to Infl. The temporal adjunct 'domani' is adjoined to the embedded VP, modifying the event time of the departure. This derivation aligns with standard assumptions in generative syntax regarding V-to-Infl movement in Romance languages, as extensively discussed by scholars such as Luigi Rizzi, where finite verbs overtly raise to the inflectional domain.",
      "notesText": "The sentence 'Gianni pensa che Lucia parta domani' is analyzed within the framework of X-bar Theory. The root of the structure is a CP with a null head, which takes the matrix InflP as its complement. The matrix clause features the finite verb 'pensa', which undergoes head movement from its base position in V to Infl to check tense and agreement features. The subject 'Gianni' occupies the specifier of InflP and receives nominative case from the finite Infl. The complement of the matrix verb is an embedded finite CP introduced by the overt complementizer 'che'. Within this embedded clause, the subject 'Lucia' is situated in the specifier of the embedded InflP. The embedded verb 'parta', a present subjunctive form, similarly undergoes head movement from V to Infl. The temporal adjunct 'domani' is adjoined to the embedded VP, modifying the event time of the departure. This derivation aligns with standard assumptions in generative syntax regarding V-to-Infl movement in Romance languages, as extensively discussed by scholars such as Luigi Rizzi, where finite verbs overtly raise to the inflectional domain.",
      "elapsedMs": 76527,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_it_subjunctive-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_it_subjunctive-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_it_subjunctive-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_it_subjunctive-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_nl_embed",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Dutch",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-declarative",
      "sentence": "Milan zegt dat Sara morgen belt.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Milan",
        "zegt",
        "dat",
        "Sara",
        "morgen",
        "belt"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Milan",
        "zegt",
        "dat",
        "Sara",
        "morgen",
        "belt"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 7,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 7,
      "derivationStepsCount": 48,
      "replayFrames": 48,
      "replayMovementFrames": 8,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 7,
      "explanation": "The analysis is grounded in Government and Binding Theory, following the standard X-bar treatment of Dutch clause structure (e.g., den Besten 1989). Dutch is analyzed as an underlyingly SOV language featuring a head-final VP and InflP, alongside a head-initial CP. In the main clause, the finite verb 'zegt' undergoes head movement from V through Infl to C to satisfy the V2 requirement, while the subject 'Milan' moves from Spec,VP through Spec,InflP to Spec,CP. The clausal complement 'dat Sara morgen belt' is base-generated as the sister to V but undergoes rightward extraposition, adjoining to the main clause VP to surface post-verbally. In the subordinate clause, the overt complementizer 'dat' occupies C, which blocks V-to-C movement. The subject 'Sara' moves from Spec,VP to Spec,InflP to satisfy the EPP and receive nominative case. The finite verb 'belt' undergoes head movement from V to the head-final Infl position, producing the characteristic clause-final verb placement of Dutch subordinate clauses. The temporal adjunct 'morgen' is adjoined to the subordinate VP.",
      "notesText": "The analysis is grounded in Government and Binding Theory, following the standard X-bar treatment of Dutch clause structure (e.g., den Besten 1989). Dutch is analyzed as an underlyingly SOV language featuring a head-final VP and InflP, alongside a head-initial CP. In the main clause, the finite verb 'zegt' undergoes head movement from V through Infl to C to satisfy the V2 requirement, while the subject 'Milan' moves from Spec,VP through Spec,InflP to Spec,CP. The clausal complement 'dat Sara morgen belt' is base-generated as the sister to V but undergoes rightward extraposition, adjoining to the main clause VP to surface post-verbally. In the subordinate clause, the overt complementizer 'dat' occupies C, which blocks V-to-C movement. The subject 'Sara' moves from Spec,VP to Spec,InflP to satisfy the EPP and receive nominative case. The finite verb 'belt' undergoes head movement from V to the head-final Infl position, producing the characteristic clause-final verb placement of Dutch subordinate clauses. The temporal adjunct 'morgen' is adjoined to the subordinate VP.",
      "elapsedMs": 132732,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_nl_embed-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_nl_embed-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_nl_embed-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_nl_embed-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_nl_relative",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Dutch",
      "phenomenon": "relative-clause",
      "sentence": "De man die Emma zag lachte.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "De",
        "man",
        "die",
        "Emma",
        "zag",
        "lachte"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "De",
        "man",
        "die",
        "Emma",
        "zag",
        "lachte"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 4,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 4,
      "derivationStepsCount": 44,
      "replayFrames": 44,
      "replayMovementFrames": 5,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 4,
      "explanation": "The analysis assumes a standard X-bar treatment of Dutch as an underlyingly SOV language with V2 effects in main clauses. The main clause verb 'lachte' undergoes head movement from V through Infl to C to satisfy the V2 requirement. The complex subject DP 'De man die Emma zag' moves from Spec,InflP to Spec,CP to provide the first constituent. Within the relative clause, the relative pronoun 'die' moves from the object position of 'zag' to Spec,CP, while the subordinate verb remains in its clause-final position.",
      "notesText": "The analysis assumes a standard X-bar treatment of Dutch as an underlyingly SOV language with V2 effects in main clauses. The main clause verb 'lachte' undergoes head movement from V through Infl to C to satisfy the V2 requirement. The complex subject DP 'De man die Emma zag' moves from Spec,InflP to Spec,CP to provide the first constituent. Within the relative clause, the relative pronoun 'die' moves from the object position of 'zag' to Spec,CP, while the subordinate verb remains in its clause-final position.",
      "elapsedMs": 223527,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_nl_relative-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_nl_relative-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_nl_relative-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_nl_relative-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_pl_embed",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Polish",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-clause",
      "sentence": "Nauczyciel powiedział, że uczennica przeczytała książkę.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Nauczyciel",
        "powiedział",
        "że",
        "uczennica",
        "przeczytała",
        "książkę"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Nauczyciel",
        "powiedział",
        "że",
        "uczennica",
        "przeczytała",
        "książkę"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 2,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 2,
      "derivationStepsCount": 39,
      "replayFrames": 39,
      "replayMovementFrames": 3,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 2,
      "explanation": "This analysis is grounded in Government and Binding Theory, utilizing standard X-bar phrase structure. The sentence is parsed with a root CP containing a null complementizer, which selects the matrix finite InflP. Both the matrix and embedded clauses are projected as InflP to capture tense and agreement features. The derivation explicitly records head movement of \"powiedział\" from V' to Infl; head movement of \"przeczytała\" from V' to Infl. The nominal arguments ('Nauczyciel', 'uczennica', and 'książkę') are analyzed as full Determiner Phrases (DPs) with null D heads, following the standard assumption in generative syntax that argument nominals require a functional DP layer even in languages lacking overt articles, as argued by scholars such as Steven Franks for Slavic languages. The matrix verb selects an embedded CP complement headed by the overt complementizer 'że', which in turn selects the embedded InflP. Case assignment proceeds canonically under government: the finite Infl heads assign Nominative case to their respective specifiers ('Nauczyciel' and 'uczennica'), while the embedded transitive verb assigns Accusative case to its DP complement ('książkę').",
      "notesText": "This analysis is grounded in Government and Binding Theory, utilizing standard X-bar phrase structure. The sentence is parsed with a root CP containing a null complementizer, which selects the matrix finite InflP. Both the matrix and embedded clauses are projected as InflP to capture tense and agreement features. The derivation explicitly records head movement of \"powiedział\" from V' to Infl; head movement of \"przeczytała\" from V' to Infl. The nominal arguments ('Nauczyciel', 'uczennica', and 'książkę') are analyzed as full Determiner Phrases (DPs) with null D heads, following the standard assumption in generative syntax that argument nominals require a functional DP layer even in languages lacking overt articles, as argued by scholars such as Steven Franks for Slavic languages. The matrix verb selects an embedded CP complement headed by the overt complementizer 'że', which in turn selects the embedded InflP. Case assignment proceeds canonically under government: the finite Infl heads assign Nominative case to their respective specifiers ('Nauczyciel' and 'uczennica'), while the embedded transitive verb assigns Accusative case to its DP complement ('książkę').",
      "elapsedMs": 81217,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_pl_embed-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_pl_embed-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_pl_embed-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_pl_embed-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_pt_wh",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Portuguese",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Que poema escreveu Sofia?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Que",
        "poema",
        "escreveu",
        "Sofia"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Que",
        "poema",
        "escreveu",
        "Sofia"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 4,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 4,
      "derivationStepsCount": 32,
      "replayFrames": 32,
      "replayMovementFrames": 5,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 4,
      "explanation": "The analysis follows the standard X-bar Theory approach to wh-questions in Romance languages exhibiting subject-verb inversion, as extensively discussed by scholars such as Manuela Ambar (1992) for European Portuguese. The derivation begins with the verb 'escreveu' merging with its direct object, the wh-phrase 'Que poema', to form the V-bar, while the subject 'Sofia' merges in the specifier of VP. To check tense and agreement features, the verb undergoes head movement from V to Infl. Subsequently, driven by the interrogative feature of the clause, the verb moves from Infl to C, triggering the observed subject-verb inversion. The subject 'Sofia' raises from the specifier of VP to the specifier of InflP to satisfy the EPP and receive nominative case. Finally, the wh-phrase 'Que poema' undergoes phrasal movement from the complement of V to the specifier of CP to check the wh-feature, yielding the pronounced surface order.",
      "notesText": "The analysis follows the standard X-bar Theory approach to wh-questions in Romance languages exhibiting subject-verb inversion, as extensively discussed by scholars such as Manuela Ambar (1992) for European Portuguese. The derivation begins with the verb 'escreveu' merging with its direct object, the wh-phrase 'Que poema', to form the V-bar, while the subject 'Sofia' merges in the specifier of VP. To check tense and agreement features, the verb undergoes head movement from V to Infl. Subsequently, driven by the interrogative feature of the clause, the verb moves from Infl to C, triggering the observed subject-verb inversion. The subject 'Sofia' raises from the specifier of VP to the specifier of InflP to satisfy the EPP and receive nominative case. Finally, the wh-phrase 'Que poema' undergoes phrasal movement from the complement of V to the specifier of CP to check the wh-feature, yielding the pronounced surface order.",
      "elapsedMs": 120452,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_pt_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_pt_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_pt_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_pt_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_ro_embed_q",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Romanian",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-question",
      "sentence": "Profesorul a întrebat dacă studenții au venit.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Profesorul",
        "a",
        "întrebat",
        "dacă",
        "studenții",
        "au",
        "venit"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Profesorul",
        "a",
        "întrebat",
        "dacă",
        "studenții",
        "au",
        "venit"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 4,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 4,
      "derivationStepsCount": 41,
      "replayFrames": 41,
      "replayMovementFrames": 5,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 4,
      "explanation": "The analysis is grounded in X-bar Theory. The sentence consists of a main clause and an embedded interrogative clause. In the main clause, the subject DP 'Profesorul' originates in the specifier of VP and moves to the specifier of InflP to satisfy the Extended Projection Principle (EPP) and receive nominative case. The derivation explicitly records head movement of \"Profesorul\" from N' to D; movement of DP \"Profesorul\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"studenții\" from N' to D. The auxiliary 'a' occupies the Infl head, taking the VP headed by the transitive participle 'întrebat' as its complement. The verb 'întrebat' selects a CP complement introduced by the overt complementizer 'dacă'. Within the embedded clause, the unaccusative verb 'venit' takes the DP 'studenții' as its underlying complement. This DP undergoes phrasal movement to the specifier of the embedded InflP to satisfy the EPP and receive nominative case from the embedded finite Infl 'au'. Similar to the main clause subject, 'studenții' involves N-to-D head movement to host the enclitic article.",
      "notesText": "The analysis is grounded in X-bar Theory. The sentence consists of a main clause and an embedded interrogative clause. In the main clause, the subject DP 'Profesorul' originates in the specifier of VP and moves to the specifier of InflP to satisfy the Extended Projection Principle (EPP) and receive nominative case. The derivation explicitly records head movement of \"Profesorul\" from N' to D; movement of DP \"Profesorul\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"studenții\" from N' to D. The auxiliary 'a' occupies the Infl head, taking the VP headed by the transitive participle 'întrebat' as its complement. The verb 'întrebat' selects a CP complement introduced by the overt complementizer 'dacă'. Within the embedded clause, the unaccusative verb 'venit' takes the DP 'studenții' as its underlying complement. This DP undergoes phrasal movement to the specifier of the embedded InflP to satisfy the EPP and receive nominative case from the embedded finite Infl 'au'. Similar to the main clause subject, 'studenții' involves N-to-D head movement to host the enclitic article.",
      "elapsedMs": 114933,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_ro_embed_q-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_ro_embed_q-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_ro_embed_q-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_ro_embed_q-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_ro_passive",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Romanian",
      "phenomenon": "passive",
      "sentence": "A fost închisă ușa de vânt.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "A",
        "fost",
        "închisă",
        "ușa",
        "de",
        "vânt"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "A",
        "fost",
        "închisă",
        "ușa",
        "de",
        "vânt"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 2,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 2,
      "derivationStepsCount": 34,
      "replayFrames": 34,
      "replayMovementFrames": 3,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 2,
      "explanation": "The sentence 'A fost închisă ușa de vânt' is a passive construction in Romanian exhibiting a postverbal subject. The derivation is modeled within Government and Binding Theory, utilizing an endocentric X-bar architecture. The subject DP 'ușa' is base-generated as the internal argument complement of the lexical verb. The derivation explicitly records head movement of \"închisă\" from V' to Voice; head movement of \"ușa\" from N' to D. The passive participle 'închisă' undergoes head movement from V to Voice to support passive morphology, thereby preceding its complement. The auxiliary participle 'fost' is merged in a lower Aux head. Additionally, the enclitic definite article on 'ușa' is derived via N-to-D head movement, a well-established operation in Romanian syntax (Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin, 1994). Finally, the agentive adjunct PP 'de vânt' right-adjoins to the VP, yielding the observed surface order without requiring any overt phrasal movement.",
      "notesText": "The sentence 'A fost închisă ușa de vânt' is a passive construction in Romanian exhibiting a postverbal subject. The derivation is modeled within Government and Binding Theory, utilizing an endocentric X-bar architecture. The subject DP 'ușa' is base-generated as the internal argument complement of the lexical verb. The derivation explicitly records head movement of \"închisă\" from V' to Voice; head movement of \"ușa\" from N' to D. The passive participle 'închisă' undergoes head movement from V to Voice to support passive morphology, thereby preceding its complement. The auxiliary participle 'fost' is merged in a lower Aux head. Additionally, the enclitic definite article on 'ușa' is derived via N-to-D head movement, a well-established operation in Romanian syntax (Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin, 1994). Finally, the agentive adjunct PP 'de vânt' right-adjoins to the VP, yielding the observed surface order without requiring any overt phrasal movement.",
      "elapsedMs": 97628,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_ro_passive-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_ro_passive-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_ro_passive-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_ro_passive-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_ru_embed",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Russian",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-clause",
      "sentence": "Учитель сказал, что ученица прочитала книгу.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Учитель",
        "сказал",
        "что",
        "ученица",
        "прочитала",
        "книгу"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Учитель",
        "сказал",
        "что",
        "ученица",
        "прочитала",
        "книгу"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 4,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 4,
      "derivationStepsCount": 47,
      "replayFrames": 47,
      "replayMovementFrames": 5,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 4,
      "explanation": "This analysis models the Russian sentence within the framework of X-bar Theory, assuming a fully endocentric clause structure where both the matrix and embedded clauses are projected as Complementizer Phrases (CPs). Following the analytical tradition of Leonard Babby regarding Russian clause structure, finite verbs undergo head movement from V to Infl to check tense and agreement features, which accounts for the surface position of 'сказал' and 'прочитала' in their respective Infl heads. The subjects 'Учитель' and 'ученица' are base-generated in the specifier of their respective Verb Phrases (Spec,VP) to receive their external theta-roles, and subsequently undergo phrasal movement to the specifier of InflP (Spec,InflP) to satisfy the Extended Projection Principle (EPP) and receive Nominative case from finite Infl. The embedded clause is introduced by the overt complementizer 'что', which heads the lower CP and selects the embedded InflP as its complement. The direct object 'книгу' remains in its base-generated position as the complement of the embedded verb, where it is assigned Accusative case. This derivation transparently captures the strict endocentricity of the functional and lexical projections while explicitly encoding the displacement operations necessary to derive the pronounced word order.",
      "notesText": "This analysis models the Russian sentence within the framework of X-bar Theory, assuming a fully endocentric clause structure where both the matrix and embedded clauses are projected as Complementizer Phrases (CPs). Following the analytical tradition of Leonard Babby regarding Russian clause structure, finite verbs undergo head movement from V to Infl to check tense and agreement features, which accounts for the surface position of 'сказал' and 'прочитала' in their respective Infl heads. The subjects 'Учитель' and 'ученица' are base-generated in the specifier of their respective Verb Phrases (Spec,VP) to receive their external theta-roles, and subsequently undergo phrasal movement to the specifier of InflP (Spec,InflP) to satisfy the Extended Projection Principle (EPP) and receive Nominative case from finite Infl. The embedded clause is introduced by the overt complementizer 'что', which heads the lower CP and selects the embedded InflP as its complement. The direct object 'книгу' remains in its base-generated position as the complement of the embedded verb, where it is assigned Accusative case. This derivation transparently captures the strict endocentricity of the functional and lexical projections while explicitly encoding the displacement operations necessary to derive the pronounced word order.",
      "elapsedMs": 115149,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_ru_embed-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_ru_embed-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_ru_embed-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_ru_embed-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_sr_embed",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Serbian",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-clause",
      "sentence": "Професор је рекао да су студенти дошли рано.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Професор",
        "је",
        "рекао",
        "да",
        "су",
        "студенти",
        "дошли",
        "рано"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Професор",
        "је",
        "рекао",
        "да",
        "су",
        "студенти",
        "дошли",
        "рано"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 1,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 1,
      "derivationStepsCount": 37,
      "replayFrames": 37,
      "replayMovementFrames": 2,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 1,
      "explanation": "This analysis employs X-bar Theory and Government and Binding principles to derive the Serbian sentence. The root clause is projected as a CP, taking an InflP complement where the subject DP 'Професор' undergoes A-movement from its base position in Spec,VP to Spec,InflP to satisfy the Extended Projection Principle (EPP) and receive Nominative case from the finite Infl 'је'. In the embedded clause, introduced by the complementizer 'да', the subject DP 'студенти' remains in its base-generated Spec,VP position. Nominative case is assigned to 'студенти' in situ under government by the finite Infl. The adverb 'рано' is adjoined to the embedded V', modifying the lower verb 'дошли'. This structural configuration reflects the flexible word order of Serbo-Croatian, where discourse factors often determine whether a subject raises to Spec,InflP or remains within the VP shell, as discussed in the analytical tradition of scholars like Željko Bošković.",
      "notesText": "This analysis employs X-bar Theory and Government and Binding principles to derive the Serbian sentence. The root clause is projected as a CP, taking an InflP complement where the subject DP 'Професор' undergoes A-movement from its base position in Spec,VP to Spec,InflP to satisfy the Extended Projection Principle (EPP) and receive Nominative case from the finite Infl 'је'. In the embedded clause, introduced by the complementizer 'да', the subject DP 'студенти' remains in its base-generated Spec,VP position. Nominative case is assigned to 'студенти' in situ under government by the finite Infl. The adverb 'рано' is adjoined to the embedded V', modifying the lower verb 'дошли'. This structural configuration reflects the flexible word order of Serbo-Croatian, where discourse factors often determine whether a subject raises to Spec,InflP or remains within the VP shell, as discussed in the analytical tradition of scholars like Željko Bošković.",
      "elapsedMs": 126639,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_sr_embed-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_sr_embed-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_sr_embed-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_sr_embed-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_tr_embed",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Turkish",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-clause",
      "sentence": "Doktor hastanın erken geldiğini söyledi.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Doktor",
        "hastanın",
        "erken",
        "geldiğini",
        "söyledi"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Doktor",
        "hastanın",
        "erken",
        "geldiğini",
        "söyledi"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 2,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 2,
      "derivationStepsCount": 36,
      "replayFrames": 36,
      "replayMovementFrames": 3,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 2,
      "explanation": "This analysis models the Turkish sentence within X-bar Theory, reflecting its strictly head-final, SOV typological character. The matrix clause is projected as a CP dominating an InflP, where the finite verb 'söyledi' undergoes head movement from V to Infl to check tense and agreement features. The embedded nominalized clause 'hastanın erken geldiğini' is analyzed as a CP complement to the matrix verb. Within this embedded clause, the subject 'hastanın' receives genitive case in the specifier of the nominalized InflP, while the embedded verb 'geldiğini' moves from V to Infl to support the overt nominalization morphology.",
      "notesText": "This analysis models the Turkish sentence within X-bar Theory, reflecting its strictly head-final, SOV typological character. The matrix clause is projected as a CP dominating an InflP, where the finite verb 'söyledi' undergoes head movement from V to Infl to check tense and agreement features. The embedded nominalized clause 'hastanın erken geldiğini' is analyzed as a CP complement to the matrix verb. Within this embedded clause, the subject 'hastanın' receives genitive case in the specifier of the nominalized InflP, while the embedded verb 'geldiğini' moves from V to Infl to support the overt nominalization morphology.",
      "elapsedMs": 207549,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_tr_embed-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_tr_embed-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_tr_embed-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-xbar-x_tr_embed-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_sr_wh",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Serbian",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Коју књигу је Ана купила?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Коју",
        "књигу",
        "је",
        "Ана",
        "купила"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Коју",
        "књигу",
        "је",
        "Ана",
        "купила"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 4,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 4,
      "derivationStepsCount": 26,
      "replayFrames": 26,
      "replayMovementFrames": 5,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 4,
      "explanation": "This analysis derives the Serbian interrogative clause within the Minimalist Program, specifically addressing the second-position (Wackernagel) clitic placement. The derivation explicitly records head movement of \"купила\" from VP to v; movement of DP \"Ана\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"је\" from T to C. The auxiliary clitic 'је' is initially merged in T and undergoes T-to-C head movement. This syntactic movement to C provides the structural host for the enclitic, aligning with the classic treatment of Slavic cliticization in interrogatives (e.g., Željko Bošković 2001, 'On the Nature of the Syntax-Phonology Interface: Cliticization and Related Phenomena'). This sequence of Internal Merge operations yields the correct surface order, with the clitic 'је' strictly in the second position following the fronted wh-phrase.",
      "notesText": "This analysis derives the Serbian interrogative clause within the Minimalist Program, specifically addressing the second-position (Wackernagel) clitic placement. The derivation explicitly records head movement of \"купила\" from VP to v; movement of DP \"Ана\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"је\" from T to C. The auxiliary clitic 'је' is initially merged in T and undergoes T-to-C head movement. This syntactic movement to C provides the structural host for the enclitic, aligning with the classic treatment of Slavic cliticization in interrogatives (e.g., Željko Bošković 2001, 'On the Nature of the Syntax-Phonology Interface: Cliticization and Related Phenomena'). This sequence of Internal Merge operations yields the correct surface order, with the clitic 'је' strictly in the second position following the fronted wh-phrase.",
      "elapsedMs": 111942,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_sr_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_sr_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_sr_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_sr_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_tr_wh",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Turkish",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Hangi kitabı Ayşe okudu?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Hangi",
        "kitabı",
        "Ayşe",
        "okudu"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Hangi",
        "kitabı",
        "Ayşe",
        "okudu"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 2,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 2,
      "derivationStepsCount": 22,
      "replayFrames": 22,
      "replayMovementFrames": 3,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 2,
      "explanation": "This analysis derives the OSV word order in Turkish through A'-movement of the object to the left periphery, following the Minimalist Program and utilizing Bare Phrase Structure. The derivation begins with the verb merging with the object DP 'Hangi kitabı' to form the VP. The derivation explicitly records head movement of v from VP to v; head movement of \"okudu\" from v to T.",
      "notesText": "This analysis derives the OSV word order in Turkish through A'-movement of the object to the left periphery, following the Minimalist Program and utilizing Bare Phrase Structure. The derivation begins with the verb merging with the object DP 'Hangi kitabı' to form the VP. The derivation explicitly records head movement of v from VP to v; head movement of \"okudu\" from v to T.",
      "elapsedMs": 110734,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_tr_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_tr_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_tr_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_tr_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_ga_wh",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Irish",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Cén leabhar a cheannaigh Máire?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Cén",
        "leabhar",
        "a",
        "cheannaigh",
        "Máire"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Cén",
        "leabhar",
        "a",
        "cheannaigh",
        "Máire"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 3,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 3,
      "derivationStepsCount": 21,
      "replayFrames": 21,
      "replayMovementFrames": 4,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 3,
      "explanation": "This analysis adopts a standard Minimalist derivation for Irish VSO clause structure, heavily informed by the work of James McCloskey (e.g., McCloskey 2001). The verb *cheannaigh* undergoes successive-cyclic head movement from V to v and finally to T, checking tense features and producing the characteristic verb-initial word order. The subject *Máire* remains in its base-generated position in Spec,vP, as T in Irish does not project an EPP feature requiring phrasal movement to Spec,TP. The interrogative object *Cén leabhar* is internally merged in the left periphery at Spec,CP to satisfy the wh-feature of the interrogative complementizer. The overt preverbal particle *a* lexicalizes the C head, specifically surfacing as the direct relative particle (aL) which typically accompanies A-bar extraction of arguments in Irish.",
      "notesText": "This analysis adopts a standard Minimalist derivation for Irish VSO clause structure, heavily informed by the work of James McCloskey (e.g., McCloskey 2001). The verb *cheannaigh* undergoes successive-cyclic head movement from V to v and finally to T, checking tense features and producing the characteristic verb-initial word order. The subject *Máire* remains in its base-generated position in Spec,vP, as T in Irish does not project an EPP feature requiring phrasal movement to Spec,TP. The interrogative object *Cén leabhar* is internally merged in the left periphery at Spec,CP to satisfy the wh-feature of the interrogative complementizer. The overt preverbal particle *a* lexicalizes the C head, specifically surfacing as the direct relative particle (aL) which typically accompanies A-bar extraction of arguments in Irish.",
      "elapsedMs": 103790,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_ga_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_ga_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_ga_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_ga_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_fi_wh",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Finnish",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Minkä kirjan Anna osti?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Minkä",
        "kirjan",
        "Anna",
        "osti"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Minkä",
        "kirjan",
        "Anna",
        "osti"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 4,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 4,
      "derivationStepsCount": 24,
      "replayFrames": 24,
      "replayMovementFrames": 5,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 4,
      "explanation": "This analysis derives the Finnish wh-question 'Minkä kirjan Anna osti?' within the Minimalist Program. The derivation begins in the vP phase, where the lexical verb 'osti' merges with its object 'Minkä kirjan', assigning it a theta-role. The light verb 'v' introduces the external argument 'Anna' in Spec,vP and values the accusative case of the object. The verb undergoes successive-cyclic head movement from V to v and then to T to check tense and phi-features, a standard assumption for Finnish finite clauses (e.g., Anders Holmberg's analyses of Finnish syntax). The subject 'Anna' raises to Spec,TP to satisfy the EPP feature of T and receive nominative case. This sequence of Internal Merge operations yields the observed surface word order.",
      "notesText": "This analysis derives the Finnish wh-question 'Minkä kirjan Anna osti?' within the Minimalist Program. The derivation begins in the vP phase, where the lexical verb 'osti' merges with its object 'Minkä kirjan', assigning it a theta-role. The light verb 'v' introduces the external argument 'Anna' in Spec,vP and values the accusative case of the object. The verb undergoes successive-cyclic head movement from V to v and then to T to check tense and phi-features, a standard assumption for Finnish finite clauses (e.g., Anders Holmberg's analyses of Finnish syntax). The subject 'Anna' raises to Spec,TP to satisfy the EPP feature of T and receive nominative case. This sequence of Internal Merge operations yields the observed surface word order.",
      "elapsedMs": 94219,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_fi_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_fi_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_fi_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_fi_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_bg_wh",
      "route": "pro",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Bulgarian",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Коя книга прочете Мария?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-pro-preview",
      "actualRoute": "pro",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Коя",
        "книга",
        "прочете",
        "Мария"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Коя",
        "книга",
        "прочете",
        "Мария"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 3,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 3,
      "derivationStepsCount": 26,
      "replayFrames": 26,
      "replayMovementFrames": 4,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 3,
      "explanation": "This analysis derives the Bulgarian wh-question 'Коя книга прочете Мария?' within the Minimalist Program using Bare Phrase Structure. The derivation begins with the external merge of the object wh-phrase 'Коя книга' as the complement of V, and the subject 'Мария' in Spec,vP. The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Коя книга\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"прочете\" from VP to C; movement of DP \"Мария\" from its lower copy. Bulgarian exhibits obligatory subject-verb inversion in such wh-questions, which is standardly analyzed as successive-cyclic head movement of the lexical verb from V through v and T to C (e.g., Catherine Rudin 1986; Mariana Lambova 2001). The subject 'Мария' raises from Spec,vP to Spec,TP to satisfy the EPP feature of T, receiving nominative case. The resulting structure correctly yields the pronounced surface order, with the fronted wh-phrase followed by the verb in C and the subject in Spec,TP, leaving lower copies (traces) in their base positions.",
      "notesText": "This analysis derives the Bulgarian wh-question 'Коя книга прочете Мария?' within the Minimalist Program using Bare Phrase Structure. The derivation begins with the external merge of the object wh-phrase 'Коя книга' as the complement of V, and the subject 'Мария' in Spec,vP. The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Коя книга\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"прочете\" from VP to C; movement of DP \"Мария\" from its lower copy. Bulgarian exhibits obligatory subject-verb inversion in such wh-questions, which is standardly analyzed as successive-cyclic head movement of the lexical verb from V through v and T to C (e.g., Catherine Rudin 1986; Mariana Lambova 2001). The subject 'Мария' raises from Spec,vP to Spec,TP to satisfy the EPP feature of T, receiving nominative case. The resulting structure correctly yields the pronounced surface order, with the fronted wh-phrase followed by the verb in C and the subject in Spec,TP, leaving lower copies (traces) in their base positions.",
      "elapsedMs": 95608,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_bg_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_bg_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_bg_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/pro-minimalism-m_bg_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_en_relative",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "English",
      "phenomenon": "relative-clause",
      "sentence": "The editor who praised the article resigned.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "The",
        "editor",
        "who",
        "praised",
        "the",
        "article",
        "resigned"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "The",
        "editor",
        "who",
        "praised",
        "the",
        "article",
        "resigned"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 0,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 0,
      "derivationStepsCount": 34,
      "replayFrames": 34,
      "replayMovementFrames": 0,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 0,
      "explanation": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. Within the matrix InflP, the left branch yields \"The editor who praised the article\", while the remaining material yields \"resigned\". The analysis also contains an embedded CP introduced by \"who\", with overt yield \"who praised the article\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "notesText": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. Within the matrix InflP, the left branch yields \"The editor who praised the article\", while the remaining material yields \"resigned\". The analysis also contains an embedded CP introduced by \"who\", with overt yield \"who praised the article\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "elapsedMs": 11492,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_en_relative-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_en_relative-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_en_relative-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_en_relative-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_en_raising",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "English",
      "phenomenon": "raising-like-clause",
      "sentence": "It seems that the guests have departed.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "It",
        "seems",
        "that",
        "the",
        "guests",
        "have",
        "departed"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "It",
        "seems",
        "that",
        "the",
        "guests",
        "have",
        "departed"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 0,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 0,
      "derivationStepsCount": 23,
      "replayFrames": 23,
      "replayMovementFrames": 0,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 0,
      "explanation": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. Within the matrix InflP, the left branch yields \"It\", while the remaining material yields \"seems that the guests have departed\". The matrix predicate selects an embedded CP introduced by \"that\", yielding \"that the guests have departed\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "notesText": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. Within the matrix InflP, the left branch yields \"It\", while the remaining material yields \"seems that the guests have departed\". The matrix predicate selects an embedded CP introduced by \"that\", yielding \"that the guests have departed\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "elapsedMs": 10350,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_en_raising-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_en_raising-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_en_raising-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_en_raising-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_de_wh",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "German",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Welches Gemälde hat Lara gekauft?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Welches",
        "Gemälde",
        "hat",
        "Lara",
        "gekauft"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Welches",
        "Gemälde",
        "hat",
        "Lara",
        "gekauft"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 2,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 2,
      "derivationStepsCount": 20,
      "replayFrames": 20,
      "replayMovementFrames": 3,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 2,
      "explanation": "This analysis adopts the X-bar framework to account for the V2 word order in German interrogatives. The wh-phrase 'Welches Gemälde' is generated in the object position of the VP and undergoes phrasal movement to the Spec,CP position to satisfy the requirements of the interrogative operator. Simultaneously, the auxiliary verb 'hat' undergoes head movement from the Infl position to the C head, a standard treatment in the tradition of Hubert Haider's work on Germanic syntax. The subject 'Lara' remains in the Spec,InflP position, ensuring the correct surface order. This derivation captures the clause-initial position of the wh-phrase and the verb-second constraint through the interaction of phrasal and head-level movement operations.",
      "notesText": "This analysis adopts the X-bar framework to account for the V2 word order in German interrogatives. The wh-phrase 'Welches Gemälde' is generated in the object position of the VP and undergoes phrasal movement to the Spec,CP position to satisfy the requirements of the interrogative operator. Simultaneously, the auxiliary verb 'hat' undergoes head movement from the Infl position to the C head, a standard treatment in the tradition of Hubert Haider's work on Germanic syntax. The subject 'Lara' remains in the Spec,InflP position, ensuring the correct surface order. This derivation captures the clause-initial position of the wh-phrase and the verb-second constraint through the interaction of phrasal and head-level movement operations.",
      "elapsedMs": 9602,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_de_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_de_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_de_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_de_wh-notes.png"
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    },
    {
      "id": "x_de_embed_perfect",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "German",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-perfect",
      "sentence": "Der Lehrer sagte, dass die Schülerin das Buch gelesen hat.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Der",
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        "dass",
        "die",
        "Schülerin",
        "das",
        "Buch",
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        "hat"
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      "surfaceOrder": [
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        "sagte",
        "dass",
        "die",
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      "replayFrames": 27,
      "replayMovementFrames": 0,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 0,
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      "notesText": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP whose left periphery is overtly realized by the left-peripheral head \"sagte\". At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"Der Lehrer\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the matrix CP, the left branch yields \"Der Lehrer\", while the remaining material yields \"sagte dass die Schülerin das Buch gelesen hat\". The analysis also contains an embedded CP introduced by \"dass\", with overt yield \"dass die Schülerin das Buch gelesen hat\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "elapsedMs": 12028,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_de_embed_perfect-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
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        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_de_embed_perfect-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_de_embed_perfect-notes.png"
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      "id": "x_fr_passive",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "French",
      "phenomenon": "passive",
      "sentence": "Le rapport a été publié hier.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
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      "surfaceOrder": [
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        "été",
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        "hier"
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      "movementEventsCount": 0,
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      "derivationStepsCount": 20,
      "replayFrames": 20,
      "replayMovementFrames": 0,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 0,
      "explanation": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. Within the matrix InflP, the left branch yields \"Le rapport\", while the remaining material yields \"a été publié hier\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "notesText": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. Within the matrix InflP, the left branch yields \"Le rapport\", while the remaining material yields \"a été publié hier\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "elapsedMs": 132086,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_fr_passive-analysis.json",
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        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_fr_passive-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_fr_passive-notes.png"
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    },
    {
      "id": "x_fr_embed",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "French",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-clause",
      "sentence": "Marie a dit que Paul viendra.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Marie",
        "a",
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        "que",
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        "viendra"
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      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Marie",
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        "Paul",
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      "movementEventsCount": 0,
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      "replayFrames": 24,
      "replayMovementFrames": 0,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 0,
      "explanation": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"Marie\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the InflP, the overt material is confined to \"a dit que Paul viendra\". The matrix predicate selects an embedded CP introduced by \"que\", yielding \"que Paul viendra\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "notesText": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"Marie\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the InflP, the overt material is confined to \"a dit que Paul viendra\". The matrix predicate selects an embedded CP introduced by \"que\", yielding \"que Paul viendra\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "elapsedMs": 10582,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_fr_embed-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
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        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_fr_embed-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_fr_embed-notes.png"
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    },
    {
      "id": "x_es_yesno",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Spanish",
      "phenomenon": "yes-no-question",
      "sentence": "¿Ha comprado Ana el libro?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Ha",
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        "Ana",
        "el",
        "libro"
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      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Ha",
        "comprado",
        "Ana",
        "el",
        "libro"
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      "movementEventsCount": 1,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 1,
      "derivationStepsCount": 17,
      "replayFrames": 17,
      "replayMovementFrames": 2,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 1,
      "explanation": "This analysis adopts the X-bar framework to account for the interrogative structure of the Spanish sentence. The derivation explicitly records head movement of \"Ha\" from InflP to C. The subject 'Ana' occupies the specifier position of InflP, while the VP contains the verb 'comprado' and its complement DP 'el libro'. The trace 't' in the VP position marks the original site of the auxiliary before it moved through the functional hierarchy to the clause-initial position.",
      "notesText": "This analysis adopts the X-bar framework to account for the interrogative structure of the Spanish sentence. The derivation explicitly records head movement of \"Ha\" from InflP to C. The subject 'Ana' occupies the specifier position of InflP, while the VP contains the verb 'comprado' and its complement DP 'el libro'. The trace 't' in the VP position marks the original site of the auxiliary before it moved through the functional hierarchy to the clause-initial position.",
      "elapsedMs": 10158,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_es_yesno-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
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        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_es_yesno-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_es_yesno-notes.png"
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    },
    {
      "id": "x_es_complement",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Spanish",
      "phenomenon": "complement-clause",
      "sentence": "El médico dijo que la paciente llegó temprano.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
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      "movementEventsCount": 0,
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      "replayFrames": 26,
      "replayMovementFrames": 0,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 0,
      "explanation": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"El médico\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the InflP, the overt material is confined to \"dijo que la paciente llegó temprano\". The matrix predicate selects an embedded CP introduced by \"que\", yielding \"que la paciente llegó temprano\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "notesText": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"El médico\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the InflP, the overt material is confined to \"dijo que la paciente llegó temprano\". The matrix predicate selects an embedded CP introduced by \"que\", yielding \"que la paciente llegó temprano\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "elapsedMs": 10569,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_es_complement-analysis.json",
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        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_es_complement-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_es_complement-notes.png"
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    },
    {
      "id": "x_it_subjunctive",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Italian",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-subjunctive",
      "sentence": "Gianni pensa che Lucia parta domani.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Gianni",
        "pensa",
        "che",
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        "parta",
        "domani"
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      "surfaceOrder": [
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        "pensa",
        "che",
        "Lucia",
        "parta",
        "domani"
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      "movementEventsCount": 0,
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      "derivationStepsCount": 21,
      "replayFrames": 21,
      "replayMovementFrames": 0,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 0,
      "explanation": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"Gianni\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the InflP, the overt material is confined to \"pensa che Lucia parta domani\". The matrix predicate selects an embedded CP introduced by \"che\", yielding \"che Lucia parta domani\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "notesText": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"Gianni\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the InflP, the overt material is confined to \"pensa che Lucia parta domani\". The matrix predicate selects an embedded CP introduced by \"che\", yielding \"che Lucia parta domani\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "elapsedMs": 10886,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_it_subjunctive-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
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        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_it_subjunctive-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_it_subjunctive-notes.png"
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    },
    {
      "id": "x_pt_wh",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Portuguese",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Que poema escreveu Sofia?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Que",
        "poema",
        "escreveu",
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      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
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        "escreveu",
        "Sofia"
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      "movementEventsCount": 2,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 2,
      "derivationStepsCount": 24,
      "replayFrames": 24,
      "replayMovementFrames": 3,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 2,
      "explanation": "This analysis adopts X-bar Theory to account for the interrogative structure of the Portuguese sentence. The wh-phrase 'Que poema' is generated in the complement position of the verb and undergoes phrasal movement to the Specifier of CP to satisfy the requirements of the interrogative operator. Simultaneously, the verb 'escreveu' undergoes head movement from the V position to the Infl head, a standard treatment for finite verbs in Romance languages as proposed by Jean-Yves Pollock. The subject 'Sofia' remains in the post-verbal position, which is licensed by the verb's movement to Infl, maintaining the canonical SVO-derived order within the VP. The structure ensures that all functional projections are endocentric and that the overt terminals are linearized according to the surface order of the sentence.",
      "notesText": "This analysis adopts X-bar Theory to account for the interrogative structure of the Portuguese sentence. The wh-phrase 'Que poema' is generated in the complement position of the verb and undergoes phrasal movement to the Specifier of CP to satisfy the requirements of the interrogative operator. Simultaneously, the verb 'escreveu' undergoes head movement from the V position to the Infl head, a standard treatment for finite verbs in Romance languages as proposed by Jean-Yves Pollock. The subject 'Sofia' remains in the post-verbal position, which is licensed by the verb's movement to Infl, maintaining the canonical SVO-derived order within the VP. The structure ensures that all functional projections are endocentric and that the overt terminals are linearized according to the surface order of the sentence.",
      "elapsedMs": 10855,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_pt_wh-analysis.json",
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        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_pt_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_pt_wh-notes.png"
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    },
    {
      "id": "x_nl_relative",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Dutch",
      "phenomenon": "relative-clause",
      "sentence": "De man die Emma zag lachte.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "De",
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        "die",
        "Emma",
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        "lachte"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "De",
        "man",
        "die",
        "Emma",
        "zag",
        "lachte"
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      "movementEventsCount": 0,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 0,
      "derivationStepsCount": 27,
      "replayFrames": 27,
      "replayMovementFrames": 0,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 0,
      "explanation": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"De man die Emma zag\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the InflP, the overt material is confined to \"lachte\". The analysis also contains an embedded CP with the overt yield \"die Emma zag\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "notesText": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"De man die Emma zag\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the InflP, the overt material is confined to \"lachte\". The analysis also contains an embedded CP with the overt yield \"die Emma zag\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "elapsedMs": 10281,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_nl_relative-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_nl_relative-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_nl_relative-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_nl_relative-notes.png"
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    },
    {
      "id": "x_nl_embed",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Dutch",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-declarative",
      "sentence": "Milan zegt dat Sara morgen belt.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Milan",
        "zegt",
        "dat",
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        "morgen",
        "belt"
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      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Milan",
        "zegt",
        "dat",
        "Sara",
        "morgen",
        "belt"
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      "movementEventsCount": 0,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 0,
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      "replayFrames": 17,
      "replayMovementFrames": 0,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 0,
      "explanation": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP, with the overt left-peripheral head \"zegt\" and a InflP clausal core. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"Milan\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the InflP, the overt material is confined to \"dat Sara morgen belt\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "notesText": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP, with the overt left-peripheral head \"zegt\" and a InflP clausal core. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"Milan\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the InflP, the overt material is confined to \"dat Sara morgen belt\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "elapsedMs": 10266,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_nl_embed-analysis.json",
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        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_nl_embed-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_nl_embed-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_ga_vso",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Irish",
      "phenomenon": "vso-declarative",
      "sentence": "Chonaic Seán an madra.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
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        "an",
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      "replayFrames": 23,
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      "notesText": "This analysis adopts the standard X-bar treatment of Irish VSO syntax, where the verb undergoes head movement from the lexical V position to the functional Infl head. By positing that the verb 'Chonaic' originates in the VP-internal head position and subsequently moves to Infl, we account for the surface VSO order while maintaining the endocentricity of the phrase structure. The subject 'Seán' occupies the specifier position of the InflP, following the verb but preceding the object. This derivation aligns with the tradition of James McCloskey, who emphasizes the role of head movement in generating the characteristic word order of Celtic languages. The object 'an madra' remains in its base-generated position as the complement to the verb, ensuring that the structural relations between the predicate and its arguments are preserved.",
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      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Irish",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-complement",
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      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
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      "explanation": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. Within the InflP, the overt material is confined to \"Gheall sé go bhfillfeadh sé ar an bhaile\". The matrix predicate selects an embedded CP introduced by \"go\", yielding \"go bhfillfeadh sé ar an bhaile\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "notesText": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. Within the InflP, the overt material is confined to \"Gheall sé go bhfillfeadh sé ar an bhaile\". The matrix predicate selects an embedded CP introduced by \"go\", yielding \"go bhfillfeadh sé ar an bhaile\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
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      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
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      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
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      "replayFrames": 19,
      "replayMovementFrames": 0,
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      "explanation": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP, with the overt left-peripheral head \"A\" and a InflP clausal core. Within the InflP, the overt material is confined to \"fost închisă ușa de vânt\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "notesText": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP, with the overt left-peripheral head \"A\" and a InflP clausal core. Within the InflP, the overt material is confined to \"fost închisă ușa de vânt\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
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      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_ro_passive-analysis.json",
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      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "xbar",
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      "phenomenon": "embedded-question",
      "sentence": "Profesorul a întrebat dacă studenții au venit.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
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      "explanation": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"Profesorul\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the InflP, the overt material is confined to \"a întrebat dacă studenții au venit\". The matrix predicate selects an embedded CP introduced by \"dacă\", yielding \"dacă studenții au venit\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "notesText": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"Profesorul\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the InflP, the overt material is confined to \"a întrebat dacă studenții au venit\". The matrix predicate selects an embedded CP introduced by \"dacă\", yielding \"dacă studenții au venit\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
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      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Russian",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-clause",
      "sentence": "Учитель сказал, что ученица прочитала книгу.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
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      "replayFrames": 22,
      "replayMovementFrames": 0,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 0,
      "explanation": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"Учитель\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the InflP, the overt material is confined to \"сказал что ученица прочитала книгу\". The analysis also contains an embedded CP introduced by \"что\", with overt yield \"что ученица прочитала книгу\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "notesText": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"Учитель\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the InflP, the overt material is confined to \"сказал что ученица прочитала книгу\". The analysis also contains an embedded CP introduced by \"что\", with overt yield \"что ученица прочитала книгу\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
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    },
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      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Greek",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
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      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
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        "διάβασε",
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        "Μαρία"
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      "surfaceOrder": [
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        "βιβλίο",
        "διάβασε",
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        "Μαρία"
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      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 2,
      "derivationStepsCount": 28,
      "replayFrames": 28,
      "replayMovementFrames": 3,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 2,
      "explanation": "This analysis employs X-bar Theory to account for the wh-fronting observed in the Greek interrogative clause. The subject 'η Μαρία' remains in the VP-internal position, which is a standard configuration for VSO-like word orders in null-subject languages. The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Ποιο βιβλίο\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"διάβασε\" from Infl' to Infl.",
      "notesText": "This analysis employs X-bar Theory to account for the wh-fronting observed in the Greek interrogative clause. The subject 'η Μαρία' remains in the VP-internal position, which is a standard configuration for VSO-like word orders in null-subject languages. The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Ποιο βιβλίο\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"διάβασε\" from Infl' to Infl.",
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      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_el_wh-analysis.json",
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      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Hebrew",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-clause",
      "sentence": "דנה אמרה שיואב יגיע מחר.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
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        "שיואב",
        "יגיע",
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      "explanation": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. Within the InflP, the overt material is confined to \"אמרה שיואב יגיע מחר\". The matrix predicate selects an embedded CP introduced by \"שיואב\", yielding \"שיואב יגיע מחר\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "notesText": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. Within the InflP, the overt material is confined to \"אמרה שיואב יגיע מחר\". The matrix predicate selects an embedded CP introduced by \"שיואב\", yielding \"שיואב יגיע מחר\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
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      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Arabic",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-clause",
      "sentence": "قالت مريم إن بول سيغادر غداً.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
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      "replayFrames": 25,
      "replayMovementFrames": 0,
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      "explanation": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. Within the InflP, the overt material is confined to \"قالت مريم إن بول سيغادر غداً\". The matrix predicate selects an embedded CP introduced by \"إن\", yielding \"إن بول سيغادر غداً\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "notesText": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. Within the InflP, the overt material is confined to \"قالت مريم إن بول سيغادر غداً\". The matrix predicate selects an embedded CP introduced by \"إن\", yielding \"إن بول سيغادر غداً\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
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      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Hindi",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-clause",
      "sentence": "शिक्षक ने कहा कि छात्रा जल्दी आई।",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
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        "कि",
        "छात्रा",
        "जल्दी",
        "आई"
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      "surfaceOrder": [
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      "explanation": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. Within the matrix InflP, the left branch yields \"शिक्षक\", while the remaining material yields \"ने कहा कि छात्रा जल्दी आई\". The matrix predicate selects an embedded CP introduced by \"कि\", yielding \"कि छात्रा जल्दी आई\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "notesText": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. Within the matrix InflP, the left branch yields \"शिक्षक\", while the remaining material yields \"ने कहा कि छात्रा जल्दी आई\". The matrix predicate selects an embedded CP introduced by \"कि\", yielding \"कि छात्रा जल्दी आई\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
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      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_hi_embed-analysis.json",
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    },
    {
      "id": "x_bn_embed",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Bengali",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-clause",
      "sentence": "শিক্ষক বললেন যে ছাত্রী বইটি পড়েছে।",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "শিক্ষক",
        "বললেন",
        "যে",
        "ছাত্রী",
        "বইটি",
        "পড়েছে"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "শিক্ষক",
        "বললেন",
        "যে",
        "ছাত্রী",
        "বইটি",
        "পড়েছে"
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      "derivationStepsCount": 23,
      "replayFrames": 23,
      "replayMovementFrames": 0,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 0,
      "explanation": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"শিক্ষক\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the InflP, the overt material is confined to \"বললেন যে ছাত্রী বইটি পড়েছে\". The matrix predicate selects an embedded CP introduced by \"যে\", yielding \"যে ছাত্রী বইটি পড়েছে\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "notesText": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"শিক্ষক\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the InflP, the overt material is confined to \"বললেন যে ছাত্রী বইটি পড়েছে\". The matrix predicate selects an embedded CP introduced by \"যে\", yielding \"যে ছাত্রী বইটি পড়েছে\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "elapsedMs": 10339,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_bn_embed-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_bn_embed-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_bn_embed-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_bn_embed-notes.png"
      }
    },
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      "id": "x_sr_embed",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Serbian",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-clause",
      "sentence": "Професор је рекао да су студенти дошли рано.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Професор",
        "је",
        "рекао",
        "да",
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        "дошли",
        "рано"
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      "surfaceOrder": [
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        "да",
        "су",
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      "replayFrames": 23,
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      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 0,
      "explanation": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. Within the matrix InflP, the left branch yields \"Професор\", while the remaining material yields \"је рекао да су студенти дошли рано\". The matrix predicate selects an embedded CP introduced by \"да\", yielding \"да су студенти дошли рано\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "notesText": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a InflP as its finite core. Within the matrix InflP, the left branch yields \"Професор\", while the remaining material yields \"је рекао да су студенти дошли рано\". The matrix predicate selects an embedded CP introduced by \"да\", yielding \"да су студенти дошли рано\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "elapsedMs": 10253,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_sr_embed-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
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        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_sr_embed-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_sr_embed-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_tr_embed",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Turkish",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-clause",
      "sentence": "Doktor hastanın erken geldiğini söyledi.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Doktor",
        "hastanın",
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        "söyledi"
      ],
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        "hastanın",
        "erken",
        "geldiğini",
        "söyledi"
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      "movementEventsCount": 0,
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      "derivationStepsCount": 24,
      "replayFrames": 24,
      "replayMovementFrames": 0,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 0,
      "explanation": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the clause is rooted in a CP. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"Doktor\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the matrix CP, the left branch yields \"Doktor\", while the remaining material yields \"hastanın erken geldiğini söyledi\". The analysis also contains an embedded CP with the overt yield \"hastanın erken geldiğini\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "notesText": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the clause is rooted in a CP. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"Doktor\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the matrix CP, the left branch yields \"Doktor\", while the remaining material yields \"hastanın erken geldiğini söyledi\". The analysis also contains an embedded CP with the overt yield \"hastanın erken geldiğini\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "elapsedMs": 9766,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_tr_embed-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_tr_embed-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_tr_embed-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_tr_embed-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "x_pl_embed",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "xbar",
      "language": "Polish",
      "phenomenon": "embedded-clause",
      "sentence": "Nauczyciel powiedział, że uczennica przeczytała książkę.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Nauczyciel",
        "powiedział",
        "że",
        "uczennica",
        "przeczytała",
        "książkę"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Nauczyciel",
        "powiedział",
        "że",
        "uczennica",
        "przeczytała",
        "książkę"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 0,
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      "derivationStepsCount": 26,
      "replayFrames": 26,
      "replayMovementFrames": 0,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 0,
      "explanation": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the clause is rooted in a CP. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"Nauczyciel\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the matrix CP, the left branch yields \"Nauczyciel\", while the remaining material yields \"powiedział że uczennica przeczytała książkę\". The matrix predicate selects an embedded CP introduced by \"że\", yielding \"że uczennica przeczytała książkę\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "notesText": "On the committed X-bar analysis, the clause is rooted in a CP. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"Nauczyciel\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the matrix CP, the left branch yields \"Nauczyciel\", while the remaining material yields \"powiedział że uczennica przeczytała książkę\". The matrix predicate selects an embedded CP introduced by \"że\", yielding \"że uczennica przeczytała książkę\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "elapsedMs": 11483,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_pl_embed-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_pl_embed-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_pl_embed-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-xbar-x_pl_embed-notes.png"
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    },
    {
      "id": "m_en_long_wh",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "English",
      "phenomenon": "long-distance-wh",
      "sentence": "Which article do you think Clara said Mateo published?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Which",
        "article",
        "do",
        "you",
        "think",
        "Clara",
        "said",
        "Mateo",
        "published"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Which",
        "article",
        "do",
        "you",
        "think",
        "Clara",
        "said",
        "Mateo",
        "published"
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      "movementEventsCount": 1,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 1,
      "derivationStepsCount": 46,
      "replayFrames": 46,
      "replayMovementFrames": 1,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 1,
      "explanation": "This analysis adopts the Minimalist Program, treating the sentence as a series of nested CP/TP projections where the wh-phrase 'Which article' undergoes Internal Merge to the Spec,CP position to satisfy a [+wh] feature requirement. The auxiliary 'do' is merged into the head of the matrix CP, functioning as a support head for the interrogative clause. The lower copy of the wh-phrase is represented as a trace in the object position of the embedded verb 'published', satisfying the thematic requirements of the predicate. The derivation proceeds via successive cyclic movement, consistent with the phase-based approach to locality constraints proposed by Noam Chomsky. The structure ensures that all overt terminals are linearized according to the surface order, with the matrix subject 'you' occupying the Spec,TP position and the embedded subjects 'Clara' and 'Mateo' occupying their respective Spec,TP positions.",
      "notesText": "This analysis adopts the Minimalist Program, treating the sentence as a series of nested CP/TP projections where the wh-phrase 'Which article' undergoes Internal Merge to the Spec,CP position to satisfy a [+wh] feature requirement. The auxiliary 'do' is merged into the head of the matrix CP, functioning as a support head for the interrogative clause. The lower copy of the wh-phrase is represented as a trace in the object position of the embedded verb 'published', satisfying the thematic requirements of the predicate. The derivation proceeds via successive cyclic movement, consistent with the phase-based approach to locality constraints proposed by Noam Chomsky. The structure ensures that all overt terminals are linearized according to the surface order, with the matrix subject 'you' occupying the Spec,TP position and the embedded subjects 'Clara' and 'Mateo' occupying their respective Spec,TP positions.",
      "elapsedMs": 13430,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_en_long_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_en_long_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_en_long_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_en_long_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_en_passive",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "English",
      "phenomenon": "passive",
      "sentence": "The letters were delivered yesterday.",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "The",
        "letters",
        "were",
        "delivered",
        "yesterday"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "The",
        "letters",
        "were",
        "delivered",
        "yesterday"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 0,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 0,
      "derivationStepsCount": 11,
      "replayFrames": 11,
      "replayMovementFrames": 0,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 0,
      "explanation": "On the committed Minimalist analysis, the clause is rooted in a TP. Within the matrix TP, the left branch yields \"The letters\", while the remaining material yields \"were delivered yesterday\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "notesText": "On the committed Minimalist analysis, the clause is rooted in a TP. Within the matrix TP, the left branch yields \"The letters\", while the remaining material yields \"were delivered yesterday\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "elapsedMs": 9492,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_en_passive-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_en_passive-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_en_passive-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_en_passive-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_de_yesno",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "German",
      "phenomenon": "yes-no-question",
      "sentence": "Hat der Fahrer den Wagen verkauft?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Hat",
        "der",
        "Fahrer",
        "den",
        "Wagen",
        "verkauft"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Hat",
        "der",
        "Fahrer",
        "den",
        "Wagen",
        "verkauft"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 1,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 1,
      "derivationStepsCount": 17,
      "replayFrames": 17,
      "replayMovementFrames": 2,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 1,
      "explanation": "The derivation explicitly records head movement of \"Hat\" from VP to C. On the committed Minimalist analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP, with the overt left-peripheral head \"Hat\" and a TP clausal core.",
      "notesText": "The derivation explicitly records head movement of \"Hat\" from VP to C. On the committed Minimalist analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP, with the overt left-peripheral head \"Hat\" and a TP clausal core.",
      "elapsedMs": 10351,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_de_yesno-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_de_yesno-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_de_yesno-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_de_yesno-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_de_wh",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "German",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Welches Foto hat Maria gesehen?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Welches",
        "Foto",
        "hat",
        "Maria",
        "gesehen"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Welches",
        "Foto",
        "hat",
        "Maria",
        "gesehen"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 1,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 1,
      "derivationStepsCount": 15,
      "replayFrames": 15,
      "replayMovementFrames": 2,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 1,
      "explanation": "This analysis adopts the Minimalist Program framework, treating the sentence as a CP-level structure where the wh-phrase 'Welches Foto' undergoes Internal Merge to the specifier of CP to satisfy a [+wh] feature. The subject 'Maria' occupies the specifier of TP, while the object position is occupied by a null copy of the moved wh-phrase.",
      "notesText": "This analysis adopts the Minimalist Program framework, treating the sentence as a CP-level structure where the wh-phrase 'Welches Foto' undergoes Internal Merge to the specifier of CP to satisfy a [+wh] feature. The subject 'Maria' occupies the specifier of TP, while the object position is occupied by a null copy of the moved wh-phrase.",
      "elapsedMs": 9431,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_de_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_de_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_de_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_de_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_fr_wh",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "French",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Quel roman a choisi Élise ?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Quel",
        "roman",
        "a",
        "choisi",
        "Élise"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Quel",
        "roman",
        "a",
        "choisi",
        "Élise"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 1,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 1,
      "derivationStepsCount": 22,
      "replayFrames": 22,
      "replayMovementFrames": 2,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 1,
      "explanation": "The derivation explicitly records head movement of \"a\" from T to C. The subject 'Élise' remains in the canonical subject position within TP, while the trace of the moved object DP is left in the complement position of the verb 'choisi'. This derivation ensures that the surface order is derived through principled movement operations triggered by feature valuation, maintaining the endocentricity required by Bare Phrase Structure.",
      "notesText": "The derivation explicitly records head movement of \"a\" from T to C. The subject 'Élise' remains in the canonical subject position within TP, while the trace of the moved object DP is left in the complement position of the verb 'choisi'. This derivation ensures that the surface order is derived through principled movement operations triggered by feature valuation, maintaining the endocentricity required by Bare Phrase Structure.",
      "elapsedMs": 10415,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_fr_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
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        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_fr_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_fr_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_es_wh",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Spanish",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "¿Qué cuadro pintó Elena?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Qué",
        "cuadro",
        "pintó",
        "Elena"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Qué",
        "cuadro",
        "pintó",
        "Elena"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 1,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 1,
      "derivationStepsCount": 16,
      "replayFrames": 16,
      "replayMovementFrames": 2,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 1,
      "explanation": "This analysis adopts the Minimalist Program framework, treating the sentence as a CP-TP structure where the wh-phrase 'Qué cuadro' undergoes Internal Merge to the specifier of CP. The verb 'pintó' is generated in the V position and moves to T to satisfy tense requirements, while the subject 'Elena' occupies the specifier of TP to receive nominative case. This configuration aligns with the cartographic approach to clause structure, ensuring that the wh-dependency is licensed through a formal Agree relation followed by movement to the CP periphery.",
      "notesText": "This analysis adopts the Minimalist Program framework, treating the sentence as a CP-TP structure where the wh-phrase 'Qué cuadro' undergoes Internal Merge to the specifier of CP. The verb 'pintó' is generated in the V position and moves to T to satisfy tense requirements, while the subject 'Elena' occupies the specifier of TP to receive nominative case. This configuration aligns with the cartographic approach to clause structure, ensuring that the wh-dependency is licensed through a formal Agree relation followed by movement to the CP periphery.",
      "elapsedMs": 9474,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_es_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_es_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_es_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_es_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_it_wh",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Italian",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Quale sonata ha eseguito Marta?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Quale",
        "sonata",
        "ha",
        "eseguito",
        "Marta"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Quale",
        "sonata",
        "ha",
        "eseguito",
        "Marta"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 0,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 0,
      "derivationStepsCount": 14,
      "replayFrames": 14,
      "replayMovementFrames": 0,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 0,
      "explanation": "On the committed Minimalist analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP, with the overt left-peripheral head \"ha\" and a TP clausal core. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"Quale sonata\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the TP, the overt material is confined to \"eseguito Marta\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "notesText": "On the committed Minimalist analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP, with the overt left-peripheral head \"ha\" and a TP clausal core. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"Quale sonata\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the TP, the overt material is confined to \"eseguito Marta\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "elapsedMs": 10124,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_it_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_it_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_it_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_it_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_pt_wh",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Portuguese",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Que relatório revisou Sofia?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Que",
        "relatório",
        "revisou",
        "Sofia"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Que",
        "relatório",
        "revisou",
        "Sofia"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 1,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 1,
      "derivationStepsCount": 16,
      "replayFrames": 16,
      "replayMovementFrames": 1,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 1,
      "explanation": "This analysis adopts the Bare Phrase Structure framework to account for the interrogative syntax of the sentence. The wh-phrase 'Que relatório' undergoes Internal Merge to the Spec,CP position to satisfy the [+wh] feature of the C head, a standard treatment in the tradition of Noam Chomsky's Minimalist Program. The subject 'Sofia' remains in the Spec,TP position, satisfying the EPP requirement of the clause.",
      "notesText": "This analysis adopts the Bare Phrase Structure framework to account for the interrogative syntax of the sentence. The wh-phrase 'Que relatório' undergoes Internal Merge to the Spec,CP position to satisfy the [+wh] feature of the C head, a standard treatment in the tradition of Noam Chomsky's Minimalist Program. The subject 'Sofia' remains in the Spec,TP position, satisfying the EPP requirement of the clause.",
      "elapsedMs": 9564,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_pt_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_pt_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_pt_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_pt_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_nl_wh",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Dutch",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Welke student heeft Emma gezien?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Welke",
        "student",
        "heeft",
        "Emma",
        "gezien"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Welke",
        "student",
        "heeft",
        "Emma",
        "gezien"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 2,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 2,
      "derivationStepsCount": 21,
      "replayFrames": 21,
      "replayMovementFrames": 2,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 2,
      "explanation": "This analysis adopts the Minimalist Program framework, treating the sentence as a CP-TP structure where the wh-phrase 'Welke student' occupies the Spec,CP position. The derivation proceeds by Internal Merge of the DP from the object position of the verb 'gezien' to the clause-initial position to satisfy the [+wh] feature of the C head, consistent with the cartographic approach to interrogatives. The auxiliary 'heeft' undergoes head movement from the T position to C, ensuring the correct V2 word order observed in Dutch. The subject 'Emma' remains in the Spec,TP position, while the trace of the moved wh-phrase is represented in the complement position of the VP. This configuration satisfies the requirements of Bare Phrase Structure by projecting the DP and CP without intermediate bar-level nodes that would otherwise violate the strict linearization of the overt terminals.",
      "notesText": "This analysis adopts the Minimalist Program framework, treating the sentence as a CP-TP structure where the wh-phrase 'Welke student' occupies the Spec,CP position. The derivation proceeds by Internal Merge of the DP from the object position of the verb 'gezien' to the clause-initial position to satisfy the [+wh] feature of the C head, consistent with the cartographic approach to interrogatives. The auxiliary 'heeft' undergoes head movement from the T position to C, ensuring the correct V2 word order observed in Dutch. The subject 'Emma' remains in the Spec,TP position, while the trace of the moved wh-phrase is represented in the complement position of the VP. This configuration satisfies the requirements of Bare Phrase Structure by projecting the DP and CP without intermediate bar-level nodes that would otherwise violate the strict linearization of the overt terminals.",
      "elapsedMs": 9968,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_nl_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_nl_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_nl_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_nl_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_pl_wh",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Polish",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Którą gazetę kupił Marek?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Którą",
        "gazetę",
        "kupił",
        "Marek"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Którą",
        "gazetę",
        "kupił",
        "Marek"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 2,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 2,
      "derivationStepsCount": 17,
      "replayFrames": 17,
      "replayMovementFrames": 3,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 2,
      "explanation": "This analysis adopts the Bare Phrase Structure framework to derive the Polish interrogative clause. Simultaneously, the verb 'kupił' undergoes head movement from the V position to the T head, a standard operation in Slavic languages to license tense and agreement features. The subject 'Marek' occupies the specifier of TP, ensuring the EPP is satisfied. This derivation follows the Minimalist Program's emphasis on feature-driven movement, consistent with the structural treatments proposed by Noam Chomsky in his foundational work on the architecture of the faculty of language.",
      "notesText": "This analysis adopts the Bare Phrase Structure framework to derive the Polish interrogative clause. Simultaneously, the verb 'kupił' undergoes head movement from the V position to the T head, a standard operation in Slavic languages to license tense and agreement features. The subject 'Marek' occupies the specifier of TP, ensuring the EPP is satisfied. This derivation follows the Minimalist Program's emphasis on feature-driven movement, consistent with the structural treatments proposed by Noam Chomsky in his foundational work on the architecture of the faculty of language.",
      "elapsedMs": 9786,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_pl_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_pl_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_pl_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_pl_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_ro_wh",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Romanian",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Ce film a văzut Irina?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Ce",
        "film",
        "a",
        "văzut",
        "Irina"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Ce",
        "film",
        "a",
        "văzut",
        "Irina"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 0,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 0,
      "derivationStepsCount": 13,
      "replayFrames": 13,
      "replayMovementFrames": 0,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 0,
      "explanation": "On the committed Minimalist analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a TP as its finite core. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"Ce film\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the matrix TP, the left branch yields \"a\", while the remaining material yields \"văzut Irina\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "notesText": "On the committed Minimalist analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a TP as its finite core. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"Ce film\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the matrix TP, the left branch yields \"a\", while the remaining material yields \"văzut Irina\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "elapsedMs": 9403,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_ro_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_ro_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_ro_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_ro_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_hu_focus",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Hungarian",
      "phenomenon": "focus-inversion",
      "sentence": "Melyik könyvet vette meg Anna?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Melyik",
        "könyvet",
        "vette",
        "meg",
        "Anna"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Melyik",
        "könyvet",
        "vette",
        "meg",
        "Anna"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 1,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 1,
      "derivationStepsCount": 16,
      "replayFrames": 16,
      "replayMovementFrames": 2,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 1,
      "explanation": "This analysis adopts the Minimalist Program framework, treating the Hungarian sentence as a configuration where the wh-phrase 'Melyik könyvet' undergoes internal merge to the CP periphery to satisfy a [+wh] feature on the C head. The verb 'vette' is base-generated in the verbal domain and remains in the T position, while the subject 'Anna' occupies a post-verbal position within the VP, consistent with the analysis of Hungarian as a discourse-configurational language where focus and wh-movement are primary drivers of word order. The derivation follows the Bare Phrase Structure approach, where the DP 'Melyik könyvet' is merged into the VP-internal object position before moving to the clause-initial position. The structure avoids unnecessary bar-level projections, ensuring that the linear order of the overt terminals is preserved through the hierarchical sibling arrangement.",
      "notesText": "This analysis adopts the Minimalist Program framework, treating the Hungarian sentence as a configuration where the wh-phrase 'Melyik könyvet' undergoes internal merge to the CP periphery to satisfy a [+wh] feature on the C head. The verb 'vette' is base-generated in the verbal domain and remains in the T position, while the subject 'Anna' occupies a post-verbal position within the VP, consistent with the analysis of Hungarian as a discourse-configurational language where focus and wh-movement are primary drivers of word order. The derivation follows the Bare Phrase Structure approach, where the DP 'Melyik könyvet' is merged into the VP-internal object position before moving to the clause-initial position. The structure avoids unnecessary bar-level projections, ensuring that the linear order of the overt terminals is preserved through the hierarchical sibling arrangement.",
      "elapsedMs": 9464,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_hu_focus-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_hu_focus-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_hu_focus-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_hu_focus-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_cs_wh",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Czech",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Kterou knihu koupil Marek?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Kterou",
        "knihu",
        "koupil",
        "Marek"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Kterou",
        "knihu",
        "koupil",
        "Marek"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 2,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 2,
      "derivationStepsCount": 18,
      "replayFrames": 18,
      "replayMovementFrames": 3,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 2,
      "explanation": "This analysis adopts the Minimalist Program framework, treating the sentence as a CP-headed structure where the wh-phrase 'Kterou knihu' undergoes Internal Merge to the specifier of CP to satisfy a [+wh] feature. The verb 'koupil' undergoes head movement from the V position to the C head, a common treatment in Slavic syntax for interrogative clauses as discussed by researchers like Željko Bošković. The lower copy of the wh-phrase is represented as a trace in the object position, ensuring the thematic requirements of the verb are satisfied while accounting for the surface word order.",
      "notesText": "This analysis adopts the Minimalist Program framework, treating the sentence as a CP-headed structure where the wh-phrase 'Kterou knihu' undergoes Internal Merge to the specifier of CP to satisfy a [+wh] feature. The verb 'koupil' undergoes head movement from the V position to the C head, a common treatment in Slavic syntax for interrogative clauses as discussed by researchers like Željko Bošković. The lower copy of the wh-phrase is represented as a trace in the object position, ensuring the thematic requirements of the verb are satisfied while accounting for the surface word order.",
      "elapsedMs": 10708,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_cs_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_cs_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_cs_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_cs_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_ru_wh",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Russian",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Какую книгу купила Маша?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Какую",
        "книгу",
        "купила",
        "Маша"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Какую",
        "книгу",
        "купила",
        "Маша"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 2,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 2,
      "derivationStepsCount": 17,
      "replayFrames": 17,
      "replayMovementFrames": 3,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 2,
      "explanation": "This analysis adopts the Minimalist Program framework, treating the sentence as a CP-TP structure where the wh-phrase 'Какую книгу' undergoes Internal Merge to the Spec,CP position to satisfy the [+wh] feature of the C head. The subject 'Маша' remains in the Spec,TP position, while the trace of the wh-phrase is left in the complement position of the VP. This derivation follows the Bare Phrase Structure principle by projecting functional categories that host the moved elements, ensuring that the surface order is derived through feature-driven movement rather than template-based positioning. The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Какую книгу\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"купила\" from VP to T.",
      "notesText": "This analysis adopts the Minimalist Program framework, treating the sentence as a CP-TP structure where the wh-phrase 'Какую книгу' undergoes Internal Merge to the Spec,CP position to satisfy the [+wh] feature of the C head. The subject 'Маша' remains in the Spec,TP position, while the trace of the wh-phrase is left in the complement position of the VP. This derivation follows the Bare Phrase Structure principle by projecting functional categories that host the moved elements, ensuring that the surface order is derived through feature-driven movement rather than template-based positioning. The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Какую книгу\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"купила\" from VP to T.",
      "elapsedMs": 9625,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_ru_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_ru_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_ru_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_ru_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_el_wh",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Greek",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Ποιο βιβλίο διάβασε η Μαρία;",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Ποιο",
        "βιβλίο",
        "διάβασε",
        "η",
        "Μαρία"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Ποιο",
        "βιβλίο",
        "διάβασε",
        "η",
        "Μαρία"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 2,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 2,
      "derivationStepsCount": 19,
      "replayFrames": 19,
      "replayMovementFrames": 3,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 2,
      "explanation": "This analysis adopts the Minimalist Program framework, treating the Greek interrogative structure as a result of A-bar movement of the wh-phrase 'Ποιο βιβλίο' to the specifier of CP to satisfy the [+wh] feature. The verb 'διάβασε' undergoes head movement from the V position to T, a standard treatment in the tradition of Guglielmo Cinque regarding the functional architecture of the clause. The subject 'η Μαρία' remains in the specifier of TP, where it receives nominative case via Agree with the T head. The derivation ensures that the surface order is preserved through the hierarchical arrangement of the CP, TP, and VP projections, with the wh-phrase occupying the left-peripheral position.",
      "notesText": "This analysis adopts the Minimalist Program framework, treating the Greek interrogative structure as a result of A-bar movement of the wh-phrase 'Ποιο βιβλίο' to the specifier of CP to satisfy the [+wh] feature. The verb 'διάβασε' undergoes head movement from the V position to T, a standard treatment in the tradition of Guglielmo Cinque regarding the functional architecture of the clause. The subject 'η Μαρία' remains in the specifier of TP, where it receives nominative case via Agree with the T head. The derivation ensures that the surface order is preserved through the hierarchical arrangement of the CP, TP, and VP projections, with the wh-phrase occupying the left-peripheral position.",
      "elapsedMs": 9913,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_el_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_el_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_el_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_el_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_he_wh",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Hebrew",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "איזה ספר קנתה נועה?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "איזה",
        "ספר",
        "קנתה",
        "נועה"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "איזה",
        "ספר",
        "קנתה",
        "נועה"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 2,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 2,
      "derivationStepsCount": 17,
      "replayFrames": 17,
      "replayMovementFrames": 3,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 2,
      "explanation": "This analysis adopts the Minimalist Program framework, treating the Hebrew interrogative structure as a result of feature-driven movement. The wh-phrase 'איזה ספר' undergoes Internal Merge to the specifier of CP to satisfy the [+wh] feature of the C head, following the standard cartographic approach to interrogatives. The subject 'נועה' occupies the specifier of TP, ensuring the EPP is satisfied. The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"איזה ספר\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"קנתה\" from VP to T.",
      "notesText": "This analysis adopts the Minimalist Program framework, treating the Hebrew interrogative structure as a result of feature-driven movement. The wh-phrase 'איזה ספר' undergoes Internal Merge to the specifier of CP to satisfy the [+wh] feature of the C head, following the standard cartographic approach to interrogatives. The subject 'נועה' occupies the specifier of TP, ensuring the EPP is satisfied. The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"איזה ספר\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"קנתה\" from VP to T.",
      "elapsedMs": 9966,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_he_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_he_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_he_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_he_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_ar_wh",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Arabic",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "أي كتاب اشترت ليلى ؟",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "أي",
        "كتاب",
        "اشترت",
        "ليلى"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "أي",
        "كتاب",
        "اشترت",
        "ليلى"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 1,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 1,
      "derivationStepsCount": 16,
      "replayFrames": 16,
      "replayMovementFrames": 2,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 1,
      "explanation": "This analysis adopts the Bare Phrase Structure framework to account for the wh-fronting in the interrogative clause. This movement is motivated by the need for feature valuation between the probe in the C-domain and the goal in the argument position, consistent with the Minimalist Program's treatment of operator-variable dependencies. The verb 'اشترت' remains in the T position, and the subject 'ليلى' occupies the specifier of TP, ensuring the correct surface order. The derivation maintains strict endocentricity, with the DP projection inheriting its features from the head D, and the CP projection serving as the landing site for the wh-operator.",
      "notesText": "This analysis adopts the Bare Phrase Structure framework to account for the wh-fronting in the interrogative clause. This movement is motivated by the need for feature valuation between the probe in the C-domain and the goal in the argument position, consistent with the Minimalist Program's treatment of operator-variable dependencies. The verb 'اشترت' remains in the T position, and the subject 'ليلى' occupies the specifier of TP, ensuring the correct surface order. The derivation maintains strict endocentricity, with the DP projection inheriting its features from the head D, and the CP projection serving as the landing site for the wh-operator.",
      "elapsedMs": 9720,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_ar_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_ar_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_ar_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_ar_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_hi_yesno",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Hindi",
      "phenomenon": "yes-no-question",
      "sentence": "क्या रवि ने चिट्ठी लिखी ?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "क्या",
        "रवि",
        "ने",
        "चिट्ठी",
        "लिखी"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "क्या",
        "रवि",
        "ने",
        "चिट्ठी",
        "लिखी"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 0,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 0,
      "derivationStepsCount": 11,
      "replayFrames": 11,
      "replayMovementFrames": 0,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 0,
      "explanation": "On the committed Minimalist analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP, with the overt left-peripheral head \"क्या\" and a TP clausal core. Within the matrix TP, the left branch yields \"रवि ने\", while the remaining material yields \"चिट्ठी लिखी\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "notesText": "On the committed Minimalist analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP, with the overt left-peripheral head \"क्या\" and a TP clausal core. Within the matrix TP, the left branch yields \"रवि ने\", while the remaining material yields \"चिट्ठी लिखी\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "elapsedMs": 8975,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_hi_yesno-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_hi_yesno-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_hi_yesno-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_hi_yesno-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_hi_wh",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Hindi",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "कौन सी किताब मीरा ने खरीदी ?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "कौन",
        "सी",
        "किताब",
        "मीरा",
        "ने",
        "खरीदी"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "कौन",
        "सी",
        "किताब",
        "मीरा",
        "ने",
        "खरीदी"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 1,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 1,
      "derivationStepsCount": 17,
      "replayFrames": 17,
      "replayMovementFrames": 2,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 1,
      "explanation": "This analysis adopts the Minimalist Program framework, treating the wh-question as a result of A-bar movement. The wh-phrase 'कौन सी किताब' is externally merged as the internal argument of the verb 'खरीदी' within the VP, where it receives its thematic role. Subsequently, it undergoes internal merge to the Spec,CP position to satisfy the [+wh] feature of the C head, which acts as a probe. The ergative-marked subject 'मीरा ने' occupies the Spec,TP position, where it is licensed by the T head. This derivation follows the standard Minimalist assumption that movement is driven by feature valuation, ensuring that the wh-operator is correctly positioned at the clause edge for scope interpretation.",
      "notesText": "This analysis adopts the Minimalist Program framework, treating the wh-question as a result of A-bar movement. The wh-phrase 'कौन सी किताब' is externally merged as the internal argument of the verb 'खरीदी' within the VP, where it receives its thematic role. Subsequently, it undergoes internal merge to the Spec,CP position to satisfy the [+wh] feature of the C head, which acts as a probe. The ergative-marked subject 'मीरा ने' occupies the Spec,TP position, where it is licensed by the T head. This derivation follows the standard Minimalist assumption that movement is driven by feature valuation, ensuring that the wh-operator is correctly positioned at the clause edge for scope interpretation.",
      "elapsedMs": 9847,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_hi_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_hi_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_hi_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_hi_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_bn_wh",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Bengali",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "কোন বইটা রিমা কিনেছে ?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "কোন",
        "বইটা",
        "রিমা",
        "কিনেছে"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "কোন",
        "বইটা",
        "রিমা",
        "কিনেছে"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 0,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 0,
      "derivationStepsCount": 16,
      "replayFrames": 16,
      "replayMovementFrames": 0,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 0,
      "explanation": "On the committed Minimalist analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a TP as its finite core. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"কোন বইটা\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the matrix TP, the left branch yields \"রিমা\", while the remaining material yields \"কিনেছে\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "notesText": "On the committed Minimalist analysis, the sentence is analyzed as a CP dominating a TP as its finite core. At the left edge of the CP, the DP \"কোন বইটা\" occupies the initial peripheral position. Within the matrix TP, the left branch yields \"রিমা\", while the remaining material yields \"কিনেছে\". No displacement operation is encoded in the derivation.",
      "elapsedMs": 10022,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_bn_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_bn_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_bn_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_bn_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_sr_wh",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Serbian",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Коју књигу је Ана купила?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Коју",
        "књигу",
        "је",
        "Ана",
        "купила"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Коју",
        "књигу",
        "је",
        "Ана",
        "купила"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 2,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 2,
      "derivationStepsCount": 17,
      "replayFrames": 17,
      "replayMovementFrames": 2,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 2,
      "explanation": "The auxiliary 'је' undergoes head movement from the T position to C, consistent with the standard treatment of Slavic interrogative clauses where the auxiliary occupies the head of the CP. The subject 'Ана' remains in the specifier of TP, while the trace of the moved wh-phrase is represented as a lower copy within the VP. This derivation follows the principles of Bare Phrase Structure, ensuring that all functional projections are motivated by feature checking requirements, specifically the EPP and wh-licensing, as articulated in the work of Noam Chomsky.",
      "notesText": "The auxiliary 'је' undergoes head movement from the T position to C, consistent with the standard treatment of Slavic interrogative clauses where the auxiliary occupies the head of the CP. The subject 'Ана' remains in the specifier of TP, while the trace of the moved wh-phrase is represented as a lower copy within the VP. This derivation follows the principles of Bare Phrase Structure, ensuring that all functional projections are motivated by feature checking requirements, specifically the EPP and wh-licensing, as articulated in the work of Noam Chomsky.",
      "elapsedMs": 9778,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_sr_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_sr_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_sr_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_sr_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_tr_wh",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Turkish",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Hangi kitabı Ayşe okudu?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Hangi",
        "kitabı",
        "Ayşe",
        "okudu"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Hangi",
        "kitabı",
        "Ayşe",
        "okudu"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 1,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 1,
      "derivationStepsCount": 15,
      "replayFrames": 15,
      "replayMovementFrames": 2,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 1,
      "explanation": "This analysis adopts the Minimalist Program framework, treating the sentence as a CP-TP structure where the wh-phrase 'Hangi kitabı' undergoes Internal Merge to the specifier of CP. This movement is consistent with the cartographic approach to the left periphery, as discussed by Luigi Rizzi, where the wh-operator occupies a designated position to license the interrogative clause type. The subject 'Ayşe' remains in the specifier of TP, while the verb 'okudu' occupies the T head, reflecting the head-final nature of the underlying VP structure in Turkish.",
      "notesText": "This analysis adopts the Minimalist Program framework, treating the sentence as a CP-TP structure where the wh-phrase 'Hangi kitabı' undergoes Internal Merge to the specifier of CP. This movement is consistent with the cartographic approach to the left periphery, as discussed by Luigi Rizzi, where the wh-operator occupies a designated position to license the interrogative clause type. The subject 'Ayşe' remains in the specifier of TP, while the verb 'okudu' occupies the T head, reflecting the head-final nature of the underlying VP structure in Turkish.",
      "elapsedMs": 9128,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_tr_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_tr_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_tr_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_tr_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_ga_wh",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Irish",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Cén leabhar a cheannaigh Máire?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Cén",
        "leabhar",
        "a",
        "cheannaigh",
        "Máire"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Cén",
        "leabhar",
        "a",
        "cheannaigh",
        "Máire"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 2,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 2,
      "derivationStepsCount": 17,
      "replayFrames": 17,
      "replayMovementFrames": 3,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 2,
      "explanation": "The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Cén leabhar\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"cheannaigh\" from VP to T. The DP 'Cén leabhar' undergoes Internal Merge to the CP periphery to satisfy the wh-feature requirement of the C head, while the verb 'cheannaigh' undergoes HeadMove from the V position to T to license the tense features of the clause. This structure follows the tradition of James McCloskey regarding the syntax of Irish, where the particle 'a' functions as a complementizer that mediates the dependency between the fronted wh-phrase and the clause. The derivation ensures that the surface order is preserved through the hierarchical arrangement of the CP, TP, and VP projections, with the subject 'Máire' occupying the specifier of TP.",
      "notesText": "The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Cén leabhar\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"cheannaigh\" from VP to T. The DP 'Cén leabhar' undergoes Internal Merge to the CP periphery to satisfy the wh-feature requirement of the C head, while the verb 'cheannaigh' undergoes HeadMove from the V position to T to license the tense features of the clause. This structure follows the tradition of James McCloskey regarding the syntax of Irish, where the particle 'a' functions as a complementizer that mediates the dependency between the fronted wh-phrase and the clause. The derivation ensures that the surface order is preserved through the hierarchical arrangement of the CP, TP, and VP projections, with the subject 'Máire' occupying the specifier of TP.",
      "elapsedMs": 10785,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_ga_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_ga_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_ga_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_ga_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_fi_wh",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Finnish",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Minkä kirjan Anna osti?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Minkä",
        "kirjan",
        "Anna",
        "osti"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Minkä",
        "kirjan",
        "Anna",
        "osti"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 1,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 1,
      "derivationStepsCount": 18,
      "replayFrames": 18,
      "replayMovementFrames": 1,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 1,
      "explanation": "This analysis adopts the Bare Phrase Structure framework to account for the wh-fronting observed in Finnish. The wh-phrase 'Minkä kirjan' is externally merged as the complement of the verb 'osti' within the VP, where it receives its thematic role. Subsequently, the phrase undergoes internal merge to the specifier position of the CP to satisfy the wh-feature requirement of the head C, consistent with the cartographic tradition of Rizzi. The resulting structure correctly linearizes the wh-phrase at the left periphery, followed by the subject and the verb, maintaining the integrity of the phrasal movement chain.",
      "notesText": "This analysis adopts the Bare Phrase Structure framework to account for the wh-fronting observed in Finnish. The wh-phrase 'Minkä kirjan' is externally merged as the complement of the verb 'osti' within the VP, where it receives its thematic role. Subsequently, the phrase undergoes internal merge to the specifier position of the CP to satisfy the wh-feature requirement of the head C, consistent with the cartographic tradition of Rizzi. The resulting structure correctly linearizes the wh-phrase at the left periphery, followed by the subject and the verb, maintaining the integrity of the phrasal movement chain.",
      "elapsedMs": 9620,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_fi_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_fi_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_fi_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_fi_wh-notes.png"
      }
    },
    {
      "id": "m_bg_wh",
      "route": "flash-lite",
      "framework": "minimalism",
      "language": "Bulgarian",
      "phenomenon": "wh-question",
      "sentence": "Коя книга прочете Мария?",
      "status": 200,
      "category": "structurally_clean",
      "ok": true,
      "issues": [],
      "modelUsed": "gemini-3.1-flash-lite-preview",
      "actualRoute": "flash-lite",
      "fallbackUsed": false,
      "leaves": [
        "Коя",
        "книга",
        "прочете",
        "Мария"
      ],
      "surfaceOrder": [
        "Коя",
        "книга",
        "прочете",
        "Мария"
      ],
      "movementEventsCount": 2,
      "moveDerivationStepsCount": 2,
      "derivationStepsCount": 17,
      "replayFrames": 17,
      "replayMovementFrames": 3,
      "replayMaxVisibleArrows": 2,
      "explanation": "The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Коя книга\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"прочете\" from VP to T. The wh-phrase 'Коя книга' undergoes Internal Merge to the Spec,CP position to satisfy the [+wh] feature of the C head, following the standard treatment of wh-fronting in Slavic languages as proposed by researchers like Željko Bošković. Simultaneously, the verb 'прочете' undergoes head movement from the V position to the T head to license the tense features of the clause. The subject 'Мария' is merged in the Spec,TP position, where it receives nominative case through Agree with the T head. This architecture ensures that the surface order is derived through principled syntactic operations rather than template-based positioning, maintaining the endocentricity required by Bare Phrase Structure.",
      "notesText": "The derivation explicitly records movement of DP \"Коя книга\" from its lower copy; head movement of \"прочете\" from VP to T. The wh-phrase 'Коя книга' undergoes Internal Merge to the Spec,CP position to satisfy the [+wh] feature of the C head, following the standard treatment of wh-fronting in Slavic languages as proposed by researchers like Željko Bošković. Simultaneously, the verb 'прочете' undergoes head movement from the V position to the T head to license the tense features of the clause. The subject 'Мария' is merged in the Spec,TP position, where it receives nominative case through Agree with the T head. This architecture ensures that the surface order is derived through principled syntactic operations rather than template-based positioning, maintaining the endocentricity required by Bare Phrase Structure.",
      "elapsedMs": 10626,
      "analysisPath": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_bg_wh-analysis.json",
      "screenshots": {
        "canopy": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_bg_wh-canopy.png",
        "growth": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_bg_wh-growth-final.png",
        "notes": "/Users/francisronge/Documents/Babel/sylvan-architect-babel/.artifacts/gauntlet100-2026-03-13T11-40-01-239Z/flash-lite-minimalism-m_bg_wh-notes.png"
      }
    }
  ]
}